When I first began writing clown my thoughts about Machu Picchu in the 1980s, I intended to publish them in an academic journal. During discussions with colleagues in Peru, however, I carne to realize that they could be of interest to a broader public. Thus I decided to make the material available in a publication that would be more accessible yet still maintain elements crucial to a scientific approach, such as endnotes and references. Nonetheless, I should emphasize that this book is not intended as a substitute for volumes that provide details about the discovery of Machu Picchu, much less an in-depth overview of lnca culture.

Machu Picchu: Exploring an Ancient Sacred Center
Johan Reinhard
Fourth revised edition
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology University of California, Los Angeles

Contents
Prologue to the Fourth Edition

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Chapter One. The Incas and the Discovery of Machu Picchu

Chapter Two. Sacred Geography and Cosmology at Machu Picchu

Chapter Toree. Architecture and Sacred Landscape

Chapter Four. Further Sites in the Region

Chapter Five. The Builders of Machu Picchu

Chapter Six. Conclusions: The Sacred Center

Epilogue. Recent Research in the Machu Picchu Region

Appendix. Cardinal Directions and Sacred Mountains

Endnotes

References

Bibliography

Other Resources

Glossary

Index

About the Author

Prologue to the Fourth Edition
When I first began writing clown my thoughts about Machu Picchu in the 1980s, I intended to publish them in an academic journal. During discussions with colleagues in Peru, however, I carne to realize rhat they could be of interest to a broader public. Thus I decided to make the material available in a publication that would be more accessible yet still maintain elements crucial to a scientific approach, such as endnotes and references. Nonetheless, I should emphasize that this book is not intended as a substitute for volumes that provide details about the discovery of Machu Picchu, much less an in-depth overview oflnca culture.

Rather than a guidebook ora history of the ruins, this book presents a theory that attempts to explain the meaning of Machu Picchu and the reasons why it was built in such a dramatic location. This pursuit leads to a reexamination of the possible significance of sorne of the site’s key architectural features. Despite the book’s somewhat academic approach and its limited distribution in Peru, I have been agreeably surprised at how widely it has come to be read. I am pleased to be able to reissue ir in this North American edition, with a few additions to bring it up to date.

PROLOGUE
Although I have spent fifreen years conducting research in the Andes since the publication of the first edition in 1991, I have found little that needs changing regarding the facts and theory originally presented. (Indeed, as the reader will discover, there has been new information that has appeared to support it.) I have, however, included an epilogue in order to summarize theoretical approaches and recent archaeological discoveries in the region and to place my interpretation of Machu Picchu in the context of a larger theory about sacred landscape in the Andes.

Few Inca artifacts ofimportance have been recovered from the ruins ofMachu Picchu since this book first appeared, but several have been found elsewhere. These have helped to increase our understanding of Inca culture and especially of their ceremonial sites and the rituals and offerings made at them. In my own case, during the 1990s I participated in discoveries of frozen Inca mummies and artifacts on mountains as high as 22,100 feet in Argentina and southern Peru. I was also in volved in underwater archaeological expeditions in Lake Titicaca, one of the most sacred places in the Inca Empire, and undertook investigations of sorne little-known Inca ceremonial centers of special significance in Inca religion, including the temples ofVilcanota, Ancocagua, and Coropuna.

The results of this research provided dramatic evidence of the importance of sacred landscape to the Incas and thus underscored the need for the theoretical approach I have taken in this book. Although there may never be final answers to sorne questions abour Machu Picchu, we can certainly come to a better understanding of it by looking at this magnificent site as it would have been seen through the eyes of the Incas.
Johan Reinhard Franklin, West Virginia September 2007
Acknowledgments
My research on sacred geography in the Cuzco and Machu Picchu region has involved numerous visits since 1981. The organizations that supplied the principal financing for chis research were Rolex Montres, the Organization of American States, che Nacional Geographic Sociery, che Social Science Research Council, and che Nacional Endowment for che Humanicies. I would like ro express my gratitude to these organizations for their kind support.

It would be impossible to name ali the individuals who in one way or another have contributed to the project over more than a decade. The following people were especially helpful and they have my warm thanks: Trinidad Aguilar, Catherine Allen, Moises Aragon, Carmen Araoz, Constance Ayala-Parrish, Jim Barde, Richard Bielefeldt, Elena Bravo, Joanna Burkhardt, Luciano Carbajal, Jesus Contreras, Jean Jacques Decoster, Jorge Flores, Peter Frost, Peter Getzels, Gerard Geurten, Harriet Gordon, Maarten van de Guchte, Federico Kauffmann-Doig, Ann Kendall, Peter Lewis, Patricia Lyon, Gordon McEwan, Frank Meddens, Carlos Milla, Max Milligan, Alberto Miori, Juan Víctor Nuñez del Prado, Italo Oberti, Vilma Olivera, Jean Pierre Protzen, Cirilo Pumayalhi, Americo Rivas, Maria Rostworowski, John Rowe, Washington Rozas, Wolfgang Schuler, Jeannette Sherbondy, Gary Urton, Alfredo Valencia, Roger Valencia, Ruben Velarde, Benito Waman, Wendy Weeks, and Gary Ziegler. A preliminary draft of the first edition benefited from suggestions made by John Carlson, David Dearborn, Adriana von Hagen, John Hyslop, Margaret MacLean, Roben Randall, and Tom Zuidema. I would like particularly to thank David Dearborn for supplying me with che major star azimuths on che horizon as seen from che Intihuatana, Kenneth Wright for allowing use ofhis map of the Machu Picchu ruins, Vince Lee for his reconstructions of sites in Vilcabamba, Margaret MacLean for the use of her plans of si tes along the Inca Trail, and Gary Ziegler for permitting my publishing a plan showing alignments between Machu Picchu and Llakrapata.

Research in che Department of Cuzco was gready facilitated by past directors of che Nacional Institute of Culture: Fernín Días, Gustavo Manrique, Osear Nuñez del Prado, and Danilo Pallardel. Severa! members of the institute assisted in the research, and I owe special thanks to Percy Ardiles, Arminda Gibaja, Fidel Ramos, Wilbert San Roman, Leoncio Vera, and Wilfredo Yepez. I am indebted to Fernando Astete and Ruben O rellana of the Archaeology Survey Office within the institute for kindly sharing with me che unpublished resu!ts of their extensive field surveys and for organizing and participacing in an expedition to Cerro San Miguel. Luis Barreda and Manuel Chavez graciously made available their personal libraries.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Alfredo Valencia was generous in explaining much of the recent work with which he has been involved at the site. Tom Hendrickson of Peruvian Andean Treks and Alfredo Ferreyros ofExplorandes were very helpful both with information and in organizing expeditions undertaken in the region. The South American Explorers provided valuable support in severa! ways. Robert von Kaupp, Vince Lee, and Stuart White kindly assisted me with investigations in the Vilcabamba, and Robert also generously gave me copies of his numerous, detailed reports. I would like to thank Bell Canada, Eagle Creek, Marmot, North Face, Patagonia, Recreational Equipment, and Timberland for donations of equipment. I am deeply grateful to Joseph and Sharon Richardson for generously supporting research undertaken to the west of Machu Picchu.

Finally, I owe a special thanks to Alfredo Ferreyros, past president of the Instituto Machu Picchu, for making possible the second edition and for kindly writing the introduction to this fourth edition. Of course, I am solely responsible for any factual errors rhat might have occurred in the text,
lntroduction
The fourth (and first North American) edition of Machu Picchu: Tbe Sacred Center contains numerous additions to che illustrations, along with a revised text and bibliography, which togecher make ir an invaluable resource. The book presents an interpretation of Machu Picchu based on cwo new fields of research known as «high-alritude archaeology» (requiring mountaineering skills) and «landscape archaeology» (che placement of ruins within che larger landscapes of which they are a pare). In che Andes Dr. Reinhard is a pioneer in these fields and their most renowned practitioner.

This edition, enriched by recent discoveries, is presented in an easy-ro-read formar. The aurhor’s perspective is based on his research over severa! years in che region, and che text is supplemented by an epilogue, appendix, endnotes, and bibliography to which che reader can refer for further information. This enables che work to be both accessible and scholarly, building on multidisciplinary investigations carried out by foreign and Peruvian scholars over che pase decades.

Dr. Reinhard establishes che importance of Machu Picchu based on ics location-part of a necwork of sites joined by Inca trails of varied imporcance ernbodied in chis unique topography. The site lies at che center of an impressive landscape, much of which is now pare of a Nacional Protected Area established by che Peruvian Government-the Machu Picchu Historical Sanctuary (MPHS). By reading chis book, we are able to comprehend che profound understanding che Incas had of che importance of cheir natural resources, che cycles of nature, and che ecological component of day-ro-day life.

No one really knows why Machu Picchu and adjoining sites were abandoned by che Incas befare che arrival of che Spanish conquistadors. Bue we can suppose, in pare based on photographs since its rediscovery by Hiram Bingham, that che ecosystems present today in che MPHS were utilized somewhat differently by che Incas. Agro-ecological practices ucilizing Andean land-use patterns were established by che Incas, chereby permitting human activity and sectlements in chis rugged region.

For ali those wanting to enrich their knowledge of che MPHS, chis book is a muse. le is an honor to be able to introduce chis book, which adds significantly to che fount ofknowledge and information we have of chis site and of che region in general.
Alfredo E. Ferreyros

Executive Director of Conservation Internacional, Peru Former President of che Instituto Machu Picchu Cuzco, Peru

Chapter One

The Incas and the Discovery of Machu Picchu

THE INCAS

My first view of Machu Picchu seemed like something from a dream-an ancient city materializing out of che clouds. After four days ofhiking the Inca Trail, I had reached a pass where Machu Picchu became visible with rugged peaks surrounding it in the background. I thought I knew what ro expect, but Machu Picchu is thar way-it is one of che few places in che world where reality can surpass one’s imagination. The Incas managed to construct a site that never ceases to astonish, even after repeated visits (Figures 1.1 and 1.2).

Machu Picchu, however, is only one of the many achievements of che Incas, who forged an empire that was the largest to exist in the prehispanic Americas (Figure 1.3). The Incas dominated South America when the Spaniards arrived in AD 1532, having conquered a region extending from northern Ecuador to central Chile and totaling more than 2,500 miles in length. Since the focus of chis book is on interpreting Machu Picchu, in chis chapter I will provide only a brief summary about its discovery and the extraordinary culture of the Incas. The reader should refer to sorne of the fine publications on these topics for more information. (1)

Figure 13. Map showing the extend of the Inca Empire at the time of the Spanish conques\ in AD 1532 (from 0’Altroy 2002)

THE INCAS ANO THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU

As important as the Inca culture carne to be, it was only the last in a long line of civilizations that atose in the Andean region over the previous rhree millennia. Archaeologists divide the central Andes into time periods called «horizons» (when a particular art sryle was found extending overa broad atea) and «intermediare periods» (when widespread art styles were absenr). The Early Horizon (ca. 1200-200 BC) was associated with the Chavin art sryle, which spread over a large area of central coastal Peru and the highlands. Regional are styles characterized the Early Intermediare Period (ca. 200 BC-AD 600), with the Nazca and Moche being the best known. The Middle Horizon ( ca. AD 600-1000) was established based on the Tiahuanaco-Huari art style that extended from the southern highlands to the north coast of Peru. During rhe Late Intermediate Period (ca. AD 1000-1475) regional art styles again arose over limited áreas, with the Chimu culture holding sway along the north coast of Peru.

Although rhe Incas dominated the Late Horizon (ca. AD 1475-1535), which lasted until the Spanish conquest, many aspects of their empire had origins in institutions and technologies that had developed long before it arose to prorninence, especially during che Middle Horizon. (2) Nonetheless, the Incas accomplished astounding feats of their own, and many of these took place less than a century before the arrival of the Spaniards.

One of the best-known examples of these is the Inca road system, which was one of the most extensive ever built in rhe ancient world, rivaling that of the Roman Empire. It has been estimated thar the Incas built as much as 20,000 miles of roads. The Incas did not have the wheel, but their road system and llama caravans allowed for products to be transponed throughout the empire. Ali of rhis took place in one of rhe most rugged terrains on Earth.

The Incas began to expand out of the region of Cuzco, capital of their ernpire, sometime aroundAD 1438. The emperor Pachacuti (ca. AD 1438-1463) undertook campaigns that soon brought a vast area of rhe central Andes under Inca control. The period of Pachacuti’s reign is the first for which we have unambiguous historical and archaeological evidence. It marked the beginning of major building initiatives, including such well-known sites as Machu Picchu. Inca stonemasons became famous for fitting together mulri-ton stones without mortar-and so well rhat a knife blade could not be slid between them (cf. Figures 1.4 and 1.5).

Pachacuti repuredly also began the conceptual organization of the empire (Tawantinsuyu) into four (tawantin) parts (suyus), with Cuzco at its center. In Cuzco an elaborare series of imaginary lines (ceques) was projected onto the immediate landscape. More than 300 sacred sites, mostly associated with natural features of the landscape, were linked by the lines that mostly originated in or near che Temple of the Sun and extended outward in a radiating pattern, thereby creating what became known as the ceque system.

Figure 14. Aerial view of the Inca fortress and ceremonial complex of Sacsahuaman, which overlooks Cuzco. Walls involved the fitting of cut stones, many weighing more than 30 tons.
Pachacuti’s son, Tupac Yupanqui (Topa Inca, ca. AD 1463-1493), conquered more lands, until the borders reached from modern-day Ecuador to central Chile. The limits of the empire were reached during rhe reign ofTopa Inca’s son Huayna Capac (ca. AD 1493-1525). His death was followed by a conflict between his sons over his successor. The struggle resulted in a weakened empire at the time the Spaniards arrived in Peru. Taking advantage of this division (along with their superior armar, the dissatisfaction of sorne tribes against Inca rule, and the aftereffects of an epidemic), the Spaniards were able to conquer a srate that rivaled any in Europe in size and riches.

The administration of such an extensive multi-ethnic state was itself a majar feat, made possible by initiatives that incorporated conquered groups into a highly integrated economic, political, and religious system. Deities were believed to control the success of crops and herds, of wars, of illnesses, of business transactions, and so forth. Everything was intertwined.

The Incas helped ensure their control of the state through severa! means, including the establishment of a single language, Quechua, as a principal means of communication. They built a system of posts or way stations (tambos) to accornmodate travelers and to hold supplies, and runners (chasquis) were used for the rapid transmission of messages.
Figure 1.5. Fine Inca stonework in a wall in Cuzco.


Figure 16. Inca terracing near the town of Ollantaytambo in the Sacred Valley
The Incas became especially associated wich che spread of irrigation and maize agriculture throughout their empire. In broad terms there are two types of agriculture in che Andes. One is based on highland staple root crops, principally che potato, which can be grown at elevations up to 16,400 feet in sorne pares of che Andes. Other highland crops include grain foods, such as quinoa, che world’s most nutritious cereal. The second type of agriculcure takes place in che lower elevations and has evolved around maize. Alchough irrigation and fercilizers are usually necessary for a successful crop, there is no need to leave land fallow, and che grain can be stored for long periods-a major plus for feeding an army.

To better control and develop che regions chey conquered, che Incas moved encire communities (mitimaes) to colonize thern, thereby insuring local support groups and promoting incegration. They supported local shrines, while keeping sorne of che main idols of che conquered peoples as virtual hostages in Cuzco. The Incas undertook major public works throughout their empire, such as terracing, irrigation, and storehouses, in order to offset any food shortages (see Figure 1.6). They also promoted che expansion of herding into new areas and set up systems for che redistribution of produces and services.

THE INCAS ANO THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU

No documents predate the arrival of the Spaniards because the Andean peoples lacked writing. They developed an elaborate system of record keeping, however, by using varia ti o ns of knots and colors on cords called quipus (Figure l. 7). The Incas’ organizational and logistical ability set rheir empire apart from any rhar had come before. This ability also enabled rhern to undertake a systematic carnpaign to climb to the summits of the highest peaks in the Americas-mountains that were often revered as the most important deities of the peoples the Incas conquered. In addition to mountains, many other parts of the landscape were venerated, making for what has come to be called a «sacred geography.» The Incas had a precise knowledge of topography and were able to make models of the areas rhey conquered thar lay even at the extremes of their empire. One such model of the larger Cuzco region was so well done rhat the chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega wrote in the early 1600s that «the best cosmographer in the world could not have done it better.»1

Inca religion shared many fundamental concepts held by other erhnic groups throughout rhe Andes. They ali worshipped their ancestors and features of the landscape, and this practice was clearly widespread long before the Incas and
Figure 17. A quipu, a set of knotted strings that the Incas used for record keeping.

10

well outside their empire. Although the Incas also worshipped a large number of supernatural beings, especially important in their state religious pantheon were Inri (rhe sun), Illapa (the weather god), and Viracocha (the creator). Many legends exist about Viracocha, but a common one has him rising from Lake Titicaca and then beginning his creative acts (Figure 1.8). Severa! other deities of great regional significance, such as Pachacamac, Catequil, Pariacaca, and Coropuna, were also associated with creative acts.

The Inca emperor was not only a secular ruler but also head of Inca state religion, which was imposed throughout che lands che Incas conquered. (3) The Incas claimed to be directly descended from lnti. lnterestingly, the evidence from history, ethnography, and archaeology supports the conclusion that sun worship was not of majar importance throughout much of the Andes prior to the Inca conquest. The sun may have become significant as an Inca state deity because it was visible to everyone. Deities of che local landscape were of greater importance to indigenous groups prior to their being conquered by che Incas. lndeed, the Incas continued to allow-and often even supported-their worship, as long as the people accepted sun worship into their religious activities.

Illapa, the Incas’ weather deity, was of widespread importance because of his control of meteorological phenomena-lightning, thunder, snow, hail, storms, and rain-and thus che fenility of planes and animals. He was reportedly che most widely worshipped of the state deities and only slightly less important than che sun. lt seems likely that che belief in a generalized weather god arase, at least in part, out of an attempt on the part of the Incas to bring numerous weather and mountain deities under one unified concept. As we will see, local weather deities and mountain gods were widely perceived as being the same.

Besides Inri, Illapa, and Viracocha, other deities in Inca religion played key roles with regard to fertiliry, such as Mamacocha (the ocean) and Pachamama (Earth Mother), who was widely worshipped and still is today. In addition to che sun and the moon (Inti’s consort), many astronomical phenomena were revered, including certain constellations and the Milky Way. Aside from mountains, other landscape features, such as lakes, rivers, springs, and unusual rock formations, were often worshipped for fertíliry Tradicional religion throughout the Andes continues to focus on nature spirits associated with fertility up to che present day-including in che region of Machu Picchu, as we will see.

THE INCAS AND THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU

12

THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU
Machu Picchu is che best-known archaeological site in South America-and for good reason. lt is located in one of che most spectacular settings in che Andes, set amidst lush tropical vegetation on a ridge overlooking a winding river hundreds of meters below and with views toward snowcapped mountains (Figure 1.9). In addition, Machu Picchu is one of che few Inca si tes to remain relatively intact and contains sorne of che finest structures built in pre-Columbian times. lt chus allows us a rare opportunity to study its buildings almost as they were at che time they were abandoned. And since so many surrounding sites are also well preserved, we can examine Machu Picchu within che larger system of which it played such a critica! pare (Figure 1.10).

Nowhere, however, do che earliest Spanish writers describe che site, and there are no descendants of che original inhabitants of che area who might be able to explain its meaning. lndeed, Machu Picchu’s existence was not even revealed to che outside world until after Hiram Bingham’s visit in 1911. Bingham had organized an expedition to search for che last Inca capital ofVilcabamba, che location of which had become lose in che centuries following che Spaniards’ destruction of che site in che 1570s.

An explorer and historian, Bingham had already traveled in che Andes prevíously, even having reached Choquequirao, a site to che south of Machu Picchu that sorne had believed was che legendary Vilcabamba (Figure 1.11). After receiving che backing ofYale University, in 1911 he leda group down che Urubamba River along a route thar had been opened up only a few years earlier in order to help increase trade between che highlands and che lower, forested region. Befare long, it would become che route taken by che railway and che principal way used by visitors to reach Machu Picchu up to che present day.

Advised of ruins on a ridge above che river, Bingham climbed up to them with his military escore and a local farmer to «discover» Machu Picchu. In fact, che name Picha (i.e., picchu or «peak») had been noted in documents in che 1550s and 1700s, and a few people had already been aware of che ruins prior to 1911. lt was Bingham, however, who surveyed che site and made it known to che larger public, and he has been rightly credited with being che «scientific discoverer» of Machu Picchu.

Having found che ruins so early in his expedition, he spent little time there and instead continued with his search for more ruins. He located such important sites as Vitcos and Espíritu Pampa (which turned out to be che original Vilcabamba-unbeknownst to Bingham). Although an inicial mapping ofMachu Picchu was cornplered by two members of Bingham’s team in 1911, che site
Figure 1.9. Machu Picchu is located near the lower end of a long ridge that descends from Nevado Salcantay.

THE INCAS ANO THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU

was mainly cleared, surveyed, photographed, and excavated during Bingham’s second expedition of 1912. He carne to believe that Machu Picchu was both the Vilcabamba of the Incas and their place of origin. The results of his work were published by rhe National Geographic Society in 1913, bringing instant fame to rhe site.

Bingham returned in 1915 and found yet more ruins, including most of those that lie along the now famous Inca Trail. For a number of reasons, he did not return to Machu Picchu until 1948, when the road from the river to the site was opened. (4) In 1981 the Machu Picchu Historical Sanctuarywas established, with its boundaries set to include, and protect, a larger ecological zone (Figure 1.12).

Despite its renown, rhere has always been an air of mystery about Machu Picchu, and it continues to excite the imaginations of visitors. Scholars have long struggled to answer sorne of the most basic questions: Why was Machu Picchu built in such an inaccessible location? Why was it abandoned? What was its meaning?

Many attempts have been made to answer these questions, sorne based on careful scholarship, others on speculations unburdened by facts. In this book I am
Figure 1.11. The ruins of Choquequirao with mountains of the Vilcabamba behind.

THE INCAS ANO THE DISCOVERY OF MACHU PICCHU
concerned with examining Machu Picchu in relation to the sacred geographical beliefs of the Incas. Such an approach has proven useful in examining pre-Inca ceremonial centers elsewhere in rhe Andes,2 and the importance of geographical features in Inca religion has been amply demonstrated.3 Although Machu Picchu was more than just a religious center, as we will see below, it had many structures of finely worked stone. Based on what the Spaniards wrote about other Inca si tes, we know that these buildings were of ritual significance, and Bingham named many of rhern with this in mind. Thus guidebooks list names such as rhe Principal Temple, the Intihuatana, rhe Temple of rhe Moon, the Priest’s House, and the Temple of Three Windows. There is no doubt that the religious aspect of the site was a dominant one.4 The archaeologists John Rowe and Luis Valcárcel have pointed out its religious importance and noted how a combination of geographical features found at, and near, its location would have been of significance to the Incas. 5 It is this combination of features, alluded to only briefly by these scholars, that I will examine here.

Given the lack of information about the Machu Picchu region and the few written documents about it dating back to Colonial times, it is necessary to utilize information on Inca beliefs from adjacent areas, along with an examination of the archaeological remains and current-day beliefs in the surrounding region and near Cuzco, heart of the Inca Empire. Unfortunately, there is little information available about sorne key parts of the landscape. This deficiency requires that we pull together diverse pieces to provide a coherent picture of what the situation was probably like during the Inca presence at Machu Picchu. Although incomplete, the data are consistent with the general pattern ofbeliefs that existed during the Inca period.

I intend to show that Machu Picchu can be better understood when analyzed within the context of rhe surrounding geographical features and their association with astronomical events considered sacred by the Incas. The methodology employed here to help establish this premise relies not only on the use of Inca beliefs and cusroms but also on a study of the natural landscape and presentday beliefs with roots in Inca concepts. This does not mean that such beliefs have remained unchanged, only that in broad terms they reflect a view of the environment in accordance with that held by the Incas. They can, therefore, help in the development of a theory that better explains the known facts about Machu Picchu. Assuming that the theory is capable of providing a reasonable explanation for the site’s location, it follows that it can in turn assist in the interpretation ofMachu Picchu’s function and of the meanings of sorne ofits principal features. Ir is time now to examine the sacred geography surrounding the ruins of Machu Picchu.
ChapterTwo

Sacred Geography and Cosmology at Machu Picchu

Figure 2.1a. A view from the San Miguel ridge with Machu Picchu visible at the lower left and Salcantay to the upper right

SACRED GEOGRAPHY AND COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU
SACRED GEOGRAPHY

The term sacred geography refers to che geographical features (mouncains, rivers, lakes, boulders, caves, springs) believed to possess supernatural powers or to be che embodiments of supernatural beings. In che Andes che high mountains (commonly called apus in che Cuzco region) were (and still are) considered among che most powerful of che tradicional deities. Lakes were also important bue do not seem to have played a major role in che region of Machu Picchu, where che lakes are small and widely scattered. Rivers, especially che Urubamba (Vilcanota) River, springs, caves, and boulders ali played roles in che sacred geography of che region, bue it is che rugged mouncain topography surrounding Machu Picchu rhat appears to have been of primary importance. Before attempting to interpret che meaning of Machu Picchu, it is necessary to examine sorne of che pase and current-day beliefs relating to chis topography.
SALCANTAY ANO AUSANGATE
Rising in solicary splendor due souch of Machu Picchu, Salcancay (6,271 m/20,574 feet) is one of che highest and most impressive mountains in che Department of Cuzco, and it dominares che region of Machu Picchu (Figures 2.1 and 2.2). Visible from great distances, it was highly revered in Inca times and concinues to be so today. The name Salcantay probably stems from che Quechua word salcca (salqa), which means «wild or uncivilized.»6

Tradicional people living near Cuzco perceive Salcantay as che «brorher» of Ausangate.7 Ausangate (6,372 m/20,905 feet) is che highest mouncain in che Deparcmenc of Cuzco and che only snowcapped mouncain visible from che city of Cuzco (Figures 2.3 and 2.4). Many people believe che two mountains to be che «fathers» of ali che mountains and to be equally powerful.8 Ouring my study I found that these mountains were often che first to be named in rituals in che Cuzco region, and cheir permission is frequencly sought before making offerings to che other mountains.9 When such offerings are made by local communities, they generally revolve around requests for good weather and increased crop and livestock fercility. 10 When done on che behalf of individuals, che requests are often concerned wich healch, cheft, loss of items, desires for increased prosperity, or success in business.11

Salcantay’s importance is not restricted to che area around che city of Cuzco.

The anthropologist Juan Nuñez del Prado found it to be a principal mountain deity

Figure 2.2. Salcantay as seen with a telephoto lens from the platform above Phuyupatamarka.

for the entire Department of Cuzco and a turelary deity for the Departrnent of Apurimac as well.12 One of the earliest references to Salcantay is that of the Spanish priest Cristóbal de Albornoz, who wrote in 1583 that Salcantay was «very revered.»!’ Another early source, Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti, wrote thar «Sallcatay» was one of the mountains to which the «huacas» (sacred places or objects, here referring to various deities) were banished by the god Tonopa (Tunupa). 14 In a document of 1697 found in the Cuzco Archives, Salcamay was one of the principal mountain deities called upon for curing a man in Cuzco.15 Salcantay is still commonly invoked in rituals to cure illnesses in the Cuzco region. 16

In the late 1800s Salcantay was noted as being amale (called Urco Salcantay) (urco meaning male or mountain) and his wife was Huaca (or Huacay) Huillca (Waqaywillka or Veronica) (see below), also called China Salcantay (china meaning female) .17 lnterestingly, these names have also been used for the two summits of Salcantay: China Salcantay as the female and Urco Salcantay as rhe male.18

Two summits are both believed to be irascible deities quick to avenge themselves on anyone who disturbs them. Salcantay’s wrath was also noted near Cuzco and further emphasized by a ritual specialist, Luciano Carbajal, in Ollantaytambo. 19 This serves to demonstrate the fear this deity arouses in people and the power nattributed to him. Ir is no surprise to find that people crossing the range near Salcantay still make simple offerings in order to avoid his wrath (Figure 2.5).

In rhe Cuzco region many ritual specialists (paqos and altomisayoqs) consider themselves under the domain of either Salcantay or Ausangate, depending on where they resided when they learned their trade.» In order to be «presented» to these mountains, the student and his teacher should journey to their slopes.21 Ritual specialists from Quillabamba in the tropical lowlands are also said to go to Salcamay for spiritual empowerment.

Sorne ritual specialists claim that initiations to Salcantay take place at lakes near the mountain Suparaura (south of Salcantay) or at lakes near Pumasillo (closer to and west of Salcantay).23 Suparaura (5,106 m/16,752 feet) lies to the south of Abancay (southwest ofCuzco) and was noted as being a very important deity at the time of the Spanish conquest. 24 Albornoz, writing in the late 1500s, stated rhat it was the principal deity of the Aymaraes people who inhabited rhat region.25 Because Suparaura is a much lower mountain and farther from Cuzco, we can assume that the Incas considered it less powerful than Salcantay, just as it is considered today.

Figure 2.3. The snowcapped mountain of Ausangate stands out to the east of Cuzco.

The conceptualized dividing line between the domains of Salcantay and Ausangate is at Cuzco, with slight variations depending on where a given ritual specialist resides. For example, a paqo living in Huasao, 18 km east of Cuzco, might perceive Huasao as the place of division.  The majority of paqos interviewed in the region of Cuzco, however, placed the dividing line in the sacred capital of the Incas.

The Incas considered a mountain close to Cuzco, Huanacauri, to be one of the most sacred places in rhe empire (Figure 2.6). In current-day beliefs Huanacauri derives power from Ausangate and is still widely worshipped in rhe region. (5) The extent of Ausangate’s power, however, was not limited to rhe Cuzco region. For example, one paqo claimed that Ausangate’s domain extended ali the way to Lake Titicaca, and an anthropologist noted that Ausangate is one of the most powerful mountain deities worshipped in the area bordering Lake Titicaca to the northwest.

Not surprisingly, Ausangate and Salcantay are the highest mountains in the entire Department of Cuzco. It is necessary to go ali the way to the Cordillera Real in Bolivia on the northeast side of Lake Titicaca to find a mountain higher than these two peaks to the sourheast, and none is higher to the north. Only one, Coropuna, is higher to the southwest of Cuzco, and chis volcano is considerably distan t. Aside from Coropuna, the only mountains higher in Peru are found in the Cordilleras Blanca and Huayhuash, far to the northwest. lt is no coincidence that these higher mountains were also very important in Inca religious beliefs once the Incas had expanded their empire to include che regions in which they are located.

Figure 2.6. A view over the central part of Cuzco with Huanacauri on the left skyline.


Figure 2.7. Modern-day offerings for rnountain gods can include a llarna fetus, colored threads, rnetallic figurines, sweets, and products from the ocean and the jungle lowlands.

Ausangate and Salcantay also constitute rhe highest mountains whose snows feed the rivers that flow into the jungle. In the region of Salcantay this deiry is the one perceived as the «owner» of ali produces from the lowland forested area considered to be powerful, such as coca leaves, cane alcohol, coffee, and cacao.29 Salcantay is renowned throughout the forested hills, including the provinces ofLa Convención, Calca, and Paucartambo to the norrh and east of Salcantay and the province of Anta to che sourh.l» In che Cuzco region sacred power is associated with the tropical forest,31 and several tropical planes are thought to contain magical properties and are used in rituals around Cuzco (see Figure 2.7).

lt might be of interest here to note the association that Salcantay has with coca, a tropical plant of great significance in Inca ceremonies. Sorne writers, such as Eugenio Alarco and Carlos Troll, believe that Machu Picchu (which is dominated by Salcantay as we have seen) played a part in the cultivation and trading of coca leaves.32 Recent discoveries oflarge areas of terracing near Machu Picchu and at the site itself support this rheory, Although it is unclear whether coca was grown at Machu Picchu;» this uncertainry does not rule out rhe possibility rhat the site played a role in the coca leaf trade.

A document of 1568 noted that lndians cultivated coca in the valley below Machu Picchu.l» Since in the early years of the conquest the Spaniards generally took over existing coca plantations that belonged to the Incas, this would indicare that coca was grown in the area during the period Machu Picchu was a functioning center. This seems even more likely given rhe isolation of the region, which bordered on territory controlled for years by rebel Incas unwilling to submit to the Spaniards, and its having been conquered by the Inca emperor Pachacuti, who began Inca expansion in this region in the mid-1400s.35 The use of coca today is still invariably accompanied by invocations to the mountains,36 including in the Vilcabamba region, where Machu Picchu is located. 37 In view of the beliefs noted above, Salcantay can be expected to have played an important religious-economic role not only with regard to coca but also with regard to other crops from the forested hills and lowlands.

COSMOLOGY AND SALCANTAY

There are also links between Salcantay and astronomical phenomena, especially stars in the Milky Way. Salcantay’s association with the Southern Cross would not have gone unnoticed by the Incas at Machu Picchu. From Machu Picchu the Southern Cross is seen to rise on rhe east and to set on the west of Salcantay, and since it is above a point due south when it reaches its highest position in the sky,38 it would also have been directly above Salcantay. Severa! scholars (e.g., the anthropologists Tom Zuidema and Gary Urton in 1976) have demonstrated the importance of the Southern Cross (and adjacent stars) and the Milky Way in Inca thought.39  lnformation collected in the Cuzco region during recent years provides additional evidence for why this is so.

Urton described in his publications of 1978 and 1981 current-day beliefs in the Cuzco region with regard to the Quechua zodiac, the celestial plane of orientation that includes star groupings of the Milky Way. He noted that they are clearly based on Inca concepts as described by the Spanish chroniclers. Urton found that there were rwo types of constellations: Star-to-Star and Dark Cloud constellations. Star-to-Star constellations link stars to form zoomorphic, geometrical, or architectural figures along ornear the main path of the Milky Way (Figure 2.8). lhe Dark Cloud constellations are the black areas (formed of interstellar dust) that show up most distinctly, by way of contrast, in that portien of the Milky Way with the densest clustering of stars. lhese constellations are perceived principally as animals (Figure 2.9).40

Figure 2.8. Star-to-Star constellations as perceived by people in the region of Cuzco today. The drawing is from Urton (1981).

Quechua people living near Cuzco thought rhat the Milky Way is a celestial river that is actively in volved in the earth’s hydrological cycle. 41 Next to the Sourhern Cross are the stars Alpha and Beta Centaurus, called the Eyes of the Llama. lhey are at the end of the Dark Cloud constellation of the Llama.42 In the Inca period (and still today) the celestial Llama was believed to be direcdy involved with life on che earth, assisting in che circulation of its waters and in the fertility of llamas.43 lt appears in the sky befare and during the rainy season, which occurs in che South American summer months.»

MACHU PICCHU
Figure 2.9. The Incas identified most of these Dark Cloud constellations in the same way as present-day villagers in the area of Cuzco. In this figure they are seen as they would appear in the rainy season. The drawing is adapted from Urton (1981).

In che eastern Cuzco region che owner of llamas is believed to be Ausangate, 45 and chis belief was likely held by the Incas. In the region of Salcantay livestock are thought to be under chis deity’s protection,46 and chis was likely the case during che Inca period. It might be added thar che name salqa is used to denote che grazing land oflivestock sorne 200 km west of Machu Picchu.47 lt seems reasonable to assume that there may have been a conceptual linkage between the rising of constellations associated with llamas and Salcantay, che llamas’ earthly protector. Significantly, Urton noted the current-day belief among the Quechuas near Cuzco rhat the animals of the Dark Cloud constellations originally carne from che earth and rhar one of che ways to enter che sky was through che summit of a mountain.48

SACRED GEOGRAPHY ANO COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU

Near the Llama is the Fox Dark Cloud constellation. Around the time of rhe December solstice che sun rises inro chis constellation and chus also into che Milky Way, the celestial river.49 The fox occurs in one legend at the time of the Incas as a helper of a mountain god,50 and is still widely perceived, including near Cuzco, as che «dog» of che mountain deities.51 The December solstice occurs during che onset of the rainy season, when the sun rises out of the Urubamba (Vilcanota) gorge as seen from Machu Picchu and from behind Ausangate as seen from Cuzco, and it also rises into the celestial river. Ausangate is che main source of che Vilcanota River, and it is interesting that the fox not only is a helper of mountain gods but also rhar in sorne legends he helps specifically by carrying water.52

There are other beliefs that link Star-to-Star and Dark Cloud constellations of the Milky Way with mountains, and, assuming the beliefs were shared by the Incas, they would therefore associate rhern with Salcantay as seen from Machu Picchu. For example, there is a star constellation called the Serpent that is changing into the Condor (see Figure 2.8).53 Serpents are (and were also in Inca times) associated with water in many ways in Andean beliefs (e.g., as being able to transform themselves into rivers and lightning), which are often perceived as concrolled by mountain deities.54 Condors, which soar around the highest slopes of che mountains, are widely thought in che Andes to be che representations, or manifestations, of the mountain gods; thus, it is no surprise to find that Salcantay is believed toda y to transform himself into one. 55

On the opposite side of the Southern Cross are che Toad and Serpent Dark Cloud constellations (Figure 2.9). The Toad constellation rises into the sky during che rainy season.56 Toads are commonly utilized in rituals for rain,57 and their croaking is believed to announce the onset of rains not far from Machu Picchu.58 We have already seen the association of serpents with water. lt might be added that serpents are most active during che wet season, che time che celestial serpent is highest in the sky.59 Thus the Southern Cross is surrounded by constellations rhat have to do with water, mountains, and fertility. Given rhe historical continuity and sharing of traditions, chis was likely che case at che time of che Incas. This grouping of constellations around the summit of Salcantay at the time of the December solstice and during the onset of the rainy season would surely have been of religious and economic significance to che people of Machu Picchu/»

Among Quechua people living to the south of Cuzco, the Southern Cross is referred to as che Calvary Cross, a name used for a cross standing on top of a mountain.61 These crosses are used for the protection of crops from bad weather and in sorne areas of the Andes are believed to represent mountain deities and to increase fertiliry, concepts that probably were associated in Inca thought with che Southern Cross and Salcantay.62

Unfortunately, there is little direct documentation of Inca beliefs about the Southern Cross.63 The Incas, however, called a Dark Cloud constellation, a pan of which is within rhe Southern Cross, the yutu. The yutu is a tinamou bird rhat was called by the Spanish a perdiz (partridge). It may be significant thar the Incas sacrificed «partridges» (along with llamas) on mountaintops during the new moon and that people in the Cuzco region today consider the yutu to represent the mountain gods.64 In addition, the eggs of the tinamou have a variety of colors resembling the rainbow.65 Appearing together with the Southern Cross, the Tinamou constellation is also related to crop fertiliry, the rainy season, and thus the time that rainbows appear. Near Cuzco today the Milky Way is considered the equivalent of a nocturnal rainbow. The Tinamou constellation is in its center, together with the Southern Cross and thus above Salcantay during the onset of the rainy season.66

The Southern Cross appears to have been depicted in a drawing of Inca cosmology made about 1613 and within rhat context was interprered as relating to fertility.67 According to Urton it is at its highest point in the sky on the morning of the December solstice, a particularly important event associated with fertility in Inca religion.68 Furthermore, the appearance of the Southern Cross prior to the rainy season when planting begins and its disappearance after the rains around the time of harvesting69 suggest that its perceived association with weather and fertility by the Quechua people today was also shared by rhe Incas. At Machu Picchu the position of the Southern Cross in the center of the celestial river, and its alignment at its highest point in the sky with Salcantay, water, weather, and fertility in modern-day beliefs, would have made for an important combination of symbols (Figure 2.9).

In addition, Machu Picchu itself is on a ridge between rivers rhat have their origins from rhe slopes of rhe Salcantay massif. Salcantay not only dominares the region ofMachu Picchu, but it also forros the center of a U-shaped ridge pattern, with two ridges leading north. Machu Picchu is on the tip of the eastern arm, lying along a ridge that extends due north from Salcantay via lower peaks until it meets the sacred Urubamba River (see Figures 1.1 O and 2.1). A direct link exists, therefore, between the most powerful mountain deity of a vast region, astronornical phenomena, and an important Inca ritual center.

SACRED GEOGRAPHY ANO COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU
PUMASILLO

The mountain Pumasillo (6,075 m/19,931 feet) lies west of Machu Picchu and is the highest of a series of peaks forming the Sacsarayoc range (as it is called on sorne maps) (Figure 1.10 ) . The name Pumasillo means «pumas claw,» although it is unclear if this was the pre-Hispanic name for the mountain. The people of rhe province ofLa Convención, and especially in the Vilcabamba region rhar the range dominares, still worship the mountains of this range (and mountains closer to their villages) principally for the fertility oflivestock and for crops.?»

Although I have not found references to these mountains in the Spanish chronicles-which, in any event, mention very little about the religious beliefs of the people of this region-there can be no doubt rhat such worship took place at rhe time the Incas conquered the area in the mid- l 400s. Archaeological remains such as ceremonial platforms on mountaintops in the Punkuyoc range ofVilcabamba help substantiate this likelihood (see Figure 1.10).71

The site of lncahuasi, on one of rhe summits of the Punkuyoc range, has been identified as the high mountain place visited by the Inca rebel emperor Sayri Topa when he consulted the Sun, Earth, and other deities (certainly including rnountains) in 1557 about whether to accept the Spaniards’ offer for him to rerurn to Cuzco (see Figure 2.10).72
Figure 2.10. A perfectly preserved Inca structure at lncahuasi exists just below ritual platforms on a summit of the Punkuyoc range in the Vilcabamba region. This site lies due north of Vitcos. Views from here include Salcantay, the Pumasillo range, and other snowcapped mountains of Vilcabamba.

According to the anthropologist Stuart White, one of the higher nearby summits of the Punkuyoc range «receives in modern times enormous ritual attention from Vilcabamba residents.»73 lt may be no coincidence that this mountain lies on rhe June solstice line for rhe setting sun as it extends from Machu Picchu and also supplies water to the Vilcabamba River, which in turn flows into the Vilcanota River. The mountain also lies on the legendary route of the Inca ereator god, Viracocha,74 and one of the peaks of the range, Viracochan, is named for this deity.75

The Pumasillo or Sacsarayoc range, with its series of peaks on the western skyline, would have served especially well for making astronomical observations from Machu Picchu (Figure 2.11). The use of mountains for such observations has been demonstrated for the Cuzco region76 and has, indeed, been noted as common practice among native peo ples throughout the Americas. 77 As seen from the lntihuatana stone at Machu Picchu, the sun sets behind the highest summit of Pumasillo (246º) at the December solstice, 78 one of the most important dates on the Inca religious calendar. The setting of the sun at the equinoxes is in line with the northern end of the snowcapped peaks of this range, at which point there is an Inca trail leading to the former Inca capital of Vitcos in Vilcabamba (see Figures 1.1 O, 2.11, and 2.12). The Vilcabamba region was con quered by the Inca emperor Pachacuti, the likely founder of Machu Picchu, as we will see.79

Figure 2.11. The Pumasillo range as viewed from Cerro San Miguel, due west from Machu Picchu. The highest summit on the left is the mountain of Pumasillo. The sun sets behind it at the Oecember solstice. The end of the range at the right is where the sun sets at the equinoxes and also where an Inca road leads to Vitcos.

SACRED GEOGRAPHY ANO COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU

Within Machu Picchu itself there is a building adjacent to the «Principal Temple,» which was called the «Priest’s House.T'» Its location and exceptional stonework indicare that it hadan important religious function (see Figure 2.13). This structure is siruated at the foot of the stairs leading to the Intihuatana stone, which I have interprered as associated with mountain worship. It may be more than chance, therefore, thar the doorway of the Priest’s House faces out to the Pumasillo range, with its highest summit prominently in the center.
Figure 2.12. A reconstruction of what Vitcos would have looked like at the time of Inca occupation (from Lee 2000).

35

VERONICA (WAQAYWILLKA)

The mountain range called Veronica on most maps dominares che horizon to the east ofMachu Picchu (Figures 1.10 and 2.14). The highest summit (5,750 m/18,865 feet) is generally called Waqaywillka (also spelled Huacay Huilque in sorne accounts) by che local inhabitants. The name appears to be formed by che Quechua words huaca, meaning sacred place or object, and willca (or vilca), also meaning a sacred object, although apparently it also meant the sun in ancient times.81 The Incas frequently applied the term uaca bilca (waqa willka) to local deities, especially mountains.82

Ir is also possible rhat che name derives from willki, meaning spirit of a «peak,» and waqay, meaning «to cry.»83 According to a local ritual specialist, Luciano Carbajal, the tears refer to the many streams that flow from che mountain and to their association with rain, which is controlled by Veronica, as well as Salcantay (along with other major mountains of the region).84 Veronica and Salcantay communicate with each other using voices of thunder, which obviously is associatedwith rain.
Figure 2.14. The Veronica range dominates the eastern skyline as seen from Cerro San Miguel. Machu Picchu is in the lower center of the picture, and the highest summit of Veronica is the snowcapped peak in the center, lying due east. The other main summit of the range is to the left and is visible from the lntihuatana.

One of Veronica’s principal summits is visible from Machu Picchu (e.g., from the Intihuatana stone [see Figure 2.15]), and the highest summit is visible from prominences near Machu Picchu, such as Huayna Picchu, Machu Picchu Mountain, and Cerro San Miguel (see Figure 1.10). At the equinoxes the sun rises behind the highest summit. This combination of a snowcapped sacred mountain and the rising of the sun at the equinoxes would have added to the reverence paid to chis mountain. Ir might also explain the use of the word willka, with its semantic connotations of»sacred» and «sun.» Still today stars, including the sun, are believed to acquire a greater amount of power when they become associated with a sacred mountain.85

This mountain is also referred to as «Eterno Abuelo» (Eternal Grandfather or Ancestor) and, as a variation, «Padre Eterno» (Eternal Father).86 These names, andones with a similar meaning, are also applied to other sacred mountains.87 They serve as terms of respect for the mountains, which are viewed in many areas as protectors (like fathers) and may also have been seen by earlier inhabitants as their places of origin.88 Sorne people attribute these names specifically to che slighdy lower summit of rhe Veronica range visible from the Imihuatana stone at Machu Picchu.

As one would expect, Veronica is still highly revered by people in the region. lt is worshipped for the fertility of crops, livestock, and good health.89 Like other major mountains, it can provide illas, which are stones often shaped like livestock and thoughr to be gifrs of the mountain deities for increasing the size of herds. 90

Dominating as it does an important road linking the highlands with the tropical lowlands, Veronica receives offerings from travelers and businessmen for the success of their journeys. During the Inca period roads passed below the mountain to the south along the Urubamba River and to the north via a high pass. This latter route became rhe principal road used to reach Vilcabamba from Cuzco after the Spanish conquest (Figure 1.10).

Above the Inca quarry to the south of the Urubamba River near Ollantaytambo there are Inca structures (artificial platforms, one with a doorway that frames Veronica) at elevations of 3,900 m/12,795 feet and 4,450 m/14,560 feet built on prominences that provide excellent views toward Veronica (Figure 2.16).91 On the opposite side of the river on the slopes ofVeronica at ca. 4,050 mi 13,287 feet is another artificial plarforrn wirh a dominating view of the mountain.» These types of structures were primarily for ceremonial use, as will be noted below, and thus provide archaeological evidence supporting Veronica’s religious importance during the Inca period.
Figure 2.16. The town of Ollantaytambo with the mountain Veronica (Waqaywillka) looming above.42

MOUNTAIN WORSHIP IN THE ANDES
There are sorne common elements of mountain worship in the Andes, especially relating to the large snowcapped peaks, which we have seen can apply to the mountains in the region of Machu Picchu. Based on the historical and ethnographic evidence, one of the most important of these elements is the belief thar the high mountains control weather and thus the fertility of crops and animals. This belief is based on ecological realiry, since meteorological phenomena (rain, snow, hail, clouds, lighming, thunder, etc.) often originate in the mountains.93 Other common elements should be examined to help us better understand the role mountain worship could have had in rhe region.

A social cohesion, in sorne cases even an ethnic identity, could have revolved around worship of these sacred mountains, justas has been noted for many areas of the Andes, for example, Ayacucho, 94 the region north ofLake Titicaca,95 central Bolivia.» Huancavelica,97 and in the region of Cuzco.98 This was also clearly the case in prehispanic times.99

Social cohesion would have brought with it política! ramifications. For example, mountains may have been perceived as protectors and war gods of the peoples who lived near them and worshipped them. IOO To consolidate their rule, the Incas may have atrernpted to appropriate this association with the mountains by constructing special places of worship such as Machu Picchu. w1

Throughout the Andes, mountain deities were also believed to be the owners of wild animals.l'» This was the case in the Cuzco region as well.103 Hunting of wild animals was thus linked to the mountains.’?» In the rugged area ofMachu Picchu, which had a large number of wild animals (pumas, bears, poisonous snakes, birds, and so forth), their presence would have provided an additional reason for rnountain worship. (As noted above, the Quechua word for «wild» is salqa and forms the root of che name Salcantay.) Ir míghr be added thar Topa Inca, who took che place of his father Pachacuti (probable builder of Machu Picchu, as we will see) while he still lived, was said to have been a keen hunter. 105

I have referred briefly to the important role that mountain deities played with regard to domesticated animals. Llamas and alpacas played a vital role in the economy of the Incas, and throughout the Andes mountain deities are perceived as their owners and as responsible for their fertiliry.l'» The same beliefs are also held in the Cuzco region. 107 As we have seen, Ausangate is perceived as the owner of these animals in the region of Cuzco.l'» Llamas were used to transpon goods in the region ofMachu Picchu, but they also grazed close to the mountains, providing yet another reason for the importance of mountain worship. Because of their

SACRED GEOGRAPHY ANO COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU
association with pack animals and with prosperity in general, mountain deities were invoked for success in trade, I09 justas they are today.’ ‘º

The Spanish priest Bernabé Cobo noted that the Vilcabamba region was rich in mineral wealth, which the Incas exploited.111 The only mines near Machu Picchu of which I am aware that may have been originally worked by the Incas are at the headwaters of the Aobamba River and the Pampa Qhawana River, both of which are at the foot of Salcantay.112 Ir remains to be seen, therefore, whether mining played a role in Machu Picchu’s importance. It might be added, however, that mining invariably involved worship of mountain gods, who were believed to be the owners of the minerals. 113 Thus, even if mining was associated with Machu Picchu, it would not affect the interpretation presented here.

As we have seen in the case ofSalcantay, ritual specialists are widely believed to receive their power from the sacred mountains. Only the most experienced and knowledgeable of these specialists could deal directly with the highest and most powerful mountains.114 Such specialists invoke the mountain gods to cure illnesses, foretell the future, find lost objects, help people obtain prosperity and success in business, and perform rituals on behalf of rhe community for the fertiliry of crops and animals (Figure 2.17).
Figure 2.17. A ritual specialist (paqo) burns offerings to the rnountain gods (apus) near Cuzco.


Figure 2.18. The Urubamba River circles Machu Picchu and Huayna Picchu in this view from the summit of Machu Picchu Mountain looking north. The lower peaks of the Veronica massif form the skyline.

We know that the Inca emperor considered ritual specialists who served the mountain deities to be especially privileged, and he personally supported these men.’!’ Machu Picchus unique setting amidst the most powerful mountains of the region would have made it an ideal place not only for worship of the mountains but also for receiving their powers and perhaps serving as a center for initiations to them, much as ritual places in the mountains are utilized today.

Mountains, therefore, were worshipped for many reasons, including rhe fertility of domesticated camelids and crops, trade, curing of illnesses, weather control, protection from enemies, control of wild animals, and empowerment of ritual specialists. But worship was not limited to great mountains such as Salcantay, Pumasillo, and Veronica; lesser mountains near Machu Picchu would also have played important roles.

HUAYNA PICCHU

We have already seen Machu Picchu’s direct physical link with Salcantay. The sacred Urubamba River nearly encircles the promontory where the site is located, likely adding to the sacredness of the mountain rhat dominares it, Huayna Picchu (Figure 2.18). This mountain, which serves as the backdrop to the classic view ofMachu Picchu, marks the end of the ridge before it plunges to the Urubamba River below. lt was for this reason that the steep gorge thus formed became known as the «Gateway of Salcantay.»116

Huayna Picchu is framed as one enters through the main Inca gateway into Machu Picchu (Figure 2.19). lt overlooks the site (being 207 m/679 feet higher) and commands a magnificent view: the main peaks of the Veronica range to the east, rhe snowcapped peaks of rhe Pumasillo range to the west, and the summit of Salean ta y to the south (Figure 2.20).

The archaeological remains, such as carvings of a ceremonial nature in boulders, on and near the summit of Huayna Picchu 117 help to substantiate that it was considered sacred by rhe Incas, as does the Temple of the Moon down on its western slope, which is linked to the summit by an impressive trail cut through a cliff face. Hills that dominate communities in the Cuzco and Vilcabamba regions, whether in Inca or modern times, are invariably viewed as being local protector deities and usually are responsible, at least in part, for the fertility of crops and livestock.118 We would expect rhat Huayna Picchu played a similar role with regard to Machu Picchu.

Figure 2.20. Looking south from the summit of Huayna Picchu, the tip of Salcantay (marked by an arrow) is behind the central peak of the skyline. In the lower part of the photo is a V-shaped carving in a stone, and a similar one is found near the lntihuatana below.

MACHU PICCHU MOUNTAIN

Overlooking Machu Picchu to the south líes the mountain for which it was named (Figure 2.21). lt is sorne 500 m/1,640 feet higher than the ruins, and a very well-made stairway leads from Machu Picchu to its summit. On top is a series of interconnected artificial platforms that have been heavily damaged by treasure hunters. Although Bingham called this summit complex a «signa! station,» it clearly was more than that.119

As in the case of Huayna Picchu, Machu Picchu Mountain would probably have been perceived as a local protector deity. Artificial plarforrns similar to those on its summit have been found on mountain summits near Cuzco, such as on Cerro Pinta and Pachatusan, and even exist at ca. 6,700 m (21,981 feet) in the southern Andes. 120 These hada religious function, as is clear from the Inca ritual offerings

found buried in thern (not for nothing have the platforms on Machu Picchu Mountain been extensively dug into by treasure hunters), the extensive system of structures and roads leading to and up the mountains (hardly necessary for only making signals), the sacredness of the mountains themselves, and the negligible role that signa! stations could have played on the higher peaks in a system of communications.121 This does not mean that the platforms could not have served as places from which to send signals in sorne cases, but this purpose would have been of secondary importance compared to the religious-politicaleconomic factors involved in worship of the mountains themselves

Figure 2.21. Machu Picchu Mountain dominates the background in this view from the hilltop of the lntihuatana. The Sacred Plaza is in the lower part of the picture along with the Principal Temple. To its left is the Temple of Three Windows.

There is another reason for Machu Picchu Mountain’s importance. Bingham noted that there were severa! springs on the side of this mountain that were utilized by people at Machu Picchu to supply water.122 Sources of water were (and still are) in themselves sacred and made up a substantial number of the sacred places surrounding Cuzco, as noted by Cobo in the mid- l 600s. 123 But of particular interest is a common belief in the Cuzco region that water originating lower down on the slopes of a mountain originares inside the mountain itself.124 West of Cuzco springs are even seen as the entrances used by rhe mountain gods.125

As I noted with regard to the ruins of Machu Picchu, they (and thus Machu Picchu Mountain) do not exist in isolation bur rarher are on a ridge that extends down from Salcantay. Given the nature of Inca beliefs, it is not unlikely that the water that led through Machu Picchu was thoughr to take on part of the sacred character of Salcantay. lhese waters would in turn have been used in the ritual fountains at the site and may have been utilized to sorne degree for irrigation. The mountains, subterranean waters, irrigation systems, and river flow would thus have been united in a sacred hydraulic chain.126

When I began this discussion of the sacred geography of rhe Machu Picchu region, I noted that one river in particular played an important role at the site, and we should now examine why this was so.

THE URUBAMBA (VILCANOTA) RIVER

A legend of the Quechua people living near Cuzco links the daily rebirth of rhe sun with its passage beneath the Vilcanota River, whose waters it drinks to regain its brighrness.U? (The name of the river changes from Vilcanota to Urubamba before it reaches Machu Picchu.) The Vilcanota River runs southeast to northwesr (until beyond Machu Picchu) (Figure 2.4), and it is considered the terrestrial reflection of the daytime path of the sun during the period surrounding the December solstice.128 Berween rhe months of November and February rhe axis of the Milky Way runs southeast to northwest, with one end being near the position of the rising sun at the December solstice, and the sun rises at this time into the Milky Way. 129

According to current-day beliefs the sun follows the course of the Vilcanota River underground during rhe night to rise again the next day in rhe east.130 The rainy period intensifies after the Oecember solstice, when the flow of the rivers increases and rhe growing season begins. The legend does not specifically refer to the region farther downriver to Machu Picchu, nor is there historical docurnentation of the same beliefs being held by the Incas, but there is evidence that this was the case, as we will see.

Based on the above, it would seem that it was not by chance that the name Vilcanota meant «house of the sun» or «house where the sun was born» in the language of the Aymara people, presumably because the river (and the mountain range of the same name at its source) flows along the sun’s path as seen from Cuzco.131 The Vilcanota River is also equated today with the celestial river, the Milky Way, 132 and probably was during rhe Inca period as well.

The Vilcanota River has its principal sources of origin in the snows of Ausangate and in rhe snows of mountains (associated in contemporary beliefs wirh Ausangate) located above the Pass ofLa Raya, southeast of Cuzco (see Figures 2.4 and 2.22). Ali rivers that have their sources in Ausangate are seen today to partake of its powers and sacred character.1 JJ In addition, rhe snows of other sacred mountains, including Veronica and Salcamay, also feed this river. It is widely believed that such water is a fertilizing agent of the mountain gods.134

The river itself is viewed as an important deity among people in the Cuzco region today.135 Its sacred character at the time of the Incas is demonstrated by important ruins at its source, 136 which were associated with the temple of Vilcanota (locared at the Pass ofLa Raya), noted as one of rhe most important in the Inca Empire (Figure 2.22) .137 This is also supported by our knowledge of the religious significance of rivers in Inca thought and, of course, by the numerous Inca sites of importance, including Pisac and Ollantaytambo, found along the Vilcanota/Urubamba River’s course until passing by Machu Picchu. (6)

After completing his acts of creation at Lake Titicaca, the Inca deity Viracocha is believed to have followed a route in his journey from rhe lake to rhe ocean that followed a SE-NW line (i.e., paralleling the general course of the Vilcanota River) until well beyond Machu Pícchu.!» Urton believes rhat Viracocha can be equated in Inca thought with the Vilcanota River and the Milky Way.139 Viracocha was certainly closely associated with water cults and mountains, 140 and important temples devoted to him, such as at Rajchi and Viracochan (southeast ofCuzco), were located along the Vilcanota River.141 (Indeed, the river sets off the mountain ofViracochan by making a loop around it, muchas it does at Machu Picchu.) This may be one reason that two statues of Viracocha were reportedly kept at Amaybamba, 142 a place along the river of the same name not far from Machu

Figure 2.22. The pass of La Raya, location of the Temple of Vilcanota, origin of the Vilcanota (Urubamba) River and final destination of an annual pilgrimage made by the Incas.

SACRED GEOGRAPHY ANO COSMOLOGY AT MACHU PICCHU
Picchu, which flowed into the Vilcanota River (see Figure 1.10). A third statue was kept in the same area near the bridge above Chaullay that crossed the river and led to Vilcabamba. 143 lt does not seem mere coincidence that above the region in which the statues were located is another rnountain named Viracochan (Figure 1.1 O) .144 (7)

What we have, then, is a river with a conceptual tie with the passage, and even birth, of the sun. The river’s origin is also directly linked to Ausangate, one of the two major mountain deities of the entire Cuzco region. The river makes a virtual loop around Machu Picchu and Huayna Picchu, which are themselves at the end of an arm of Salcantay, the other principal mountain deiry (Figure 1.1 O). The river passage as a whole roughly follows the path of the sun, which rises during the December solstice from behind Ausangate (only to set, as seen from Machu Picchu, behind another of the major snow peaks-and provider of water-Pumasillo). It also is in accord with the legendary journey of the Inca creator deity, Viracocha.

When the river winds around Machu Picchu, the outer part of the loop is on its north side, while Salcantay lies due south. In addition, the Aobamba and Cusichaka rivers, which set off the Machu Picchu sanctuary si tes north and south of the famous Inca Trail and flow into the Urubamba River, both have their principal origins from the snows of Salcantay. The Southern Cross, at the center of the Milky Way (the celestial water source in Inca thought), appears above Salcantay when it reaches its highest point in the sky. The people at Machu Picchu would have been well aware of the sun rising from behind Ausangate (even though the mountain was not visible from Machu Picchu) and setting behind Pumasillo at the December solstice.

As we have seen, the Incas hadan intense concern with the sun’s passage, with sacred mountains, and with rhe orientation of water flow.145 Clearly, rhe unique combination of these elernents at Machu Picchu would have led to its being considered an especially powerful sacred center.

Chapter Three

Architecture and Sacred Landscape

Since chere are no historical records or oral traditions that deal direccly with architecture at Machu Picchu, any interpretation muse be based on comparisons with Inca structures elsewhere, on our knowledge oflnca beliefs, on ethnographic data, and on logical deductions formed from examinations of che architecrure’s features wichin che natural settings. Ir would seem obvious thar, if che reasons for Machu Picchu’s location and primary functions were related to sacred landscape in conjunction with celestial orientations anda hydrological cycle, we can expect that such factors would be reflected in sorne of che prominent architectural features at che site (Figure 3 .1).

Although speculative, the presentation of hypotheses to explain sorne structures should assist in provoking a closer examinacion of their functions and placing chem wichin che broader context of which chey are a pare. This may be premature given che lack of material available on Machu Picchu, but avoiding che issue does not serve science and inscead leaves a vacuum chat leads to many highly improbable interpretations, such as can be heard daily by visitors to rhe site. Alternative explanations to those I present can be found in sorne of che principal publications referred to in che text, beginning wich Hiram Bingham’s (1979) main work, and they will not be dealt with in detail here.

Figure 3.1a: The layout of Machu Picchu can best be seen looking south from Huanacauri.

Figure 3.1b. A plan of Machu Picchu. (Plan courtesy of Kenneth Wright 2000).
56
ARCHITECTURE ANO SACRED LANDSCAPE

Picchu, Temple of the Moon
Terrace Caretaker’s Houses (main entrance)

Agricultura! Sector

Dry Moat

Ritual Baths

Principal Bath

Temple of the Sun (Torreón) «Palace of the Princess» «Fountain Caretaker’s Houes» Royal Sector

Watchman’s Hut

Funerary Rock

Quarry

Temple of the Three Windows 14 Principal Temple

15 «Sacristy»

16 lntihuatana

17 Sacred Rock

18 Common District 19 Mortar Building

20 «Prison Group» or «Candor Temple» 21 lntimachay

TEMPLES ON THE SACRED PLAZA

Many visitors to Machu Picchu begin their tour by obtaining an overview of the site from a location near what has come to be called the Watchman’s House (also Guardhouse) (Figures 3.2 and 3.3). lt is adjacent to the so-called Terrace of the Ceremonial Rock, around which can be seen a number of river stones-probably used during Inca times in rituals to invoke water and fertility (Figure 3.4). Inca pilgrims would have passed by the same location on their way to enter the site through the main gateway (Figure 3.5). After passing through the gateway, the trail leads to sorne of the most impressive structures at Machu Picchu, forming part of what Bingham called rhe Sacred Plaza (Figure 3.6) .146

Bordering the plaza on its north side is rhe Principal Temple, which is open to the south and contains a large, carved stone altar (Figure 3.7). Bingham excavated the floor of this structure, but he did not find any artifacts of note. He was surprised, however, to discover a !ayer of white sand. Although sand was occasionally urilized in other Inca structures, 147 rhe use of whire sand in this setting calls to mind the sand found in rhe plazas of Haucaypata and Cusipata in Cuzco.148 Here the sand was brought from the Pacific coast (presumably done at the order of the emperor Pachacuri when he had Cuzco rebuilt) and said to be offered in reverence to the creator deity Ticsi Viracocha.149 He was called this name when he was associated with rhe ocean, 150 and, as we have seen, rhree idols ofViracocha were located not far below Machu Picchu. The presence of sand in the plaza suggests rhat the ocean (morher of ali waters) was seen as being ritually placed in the religious cenrer of Cuzco.151 Keeping in mind information presenred above and that Machu Picchu was a center likely built by Pachacuti, ir would seem reasonable to assume that this was the case ar the Principal Temple as well.

Figure 3.2. Overview of Machu Picchu from near the Watchman’s House.


Figure 3.3. The Watchman’s House and llama

Whereas rhe ocean is rhought of as rhe origin of ali waters, rhe mountains are perceived as controllers of the waters.152 For this reason seawater and seashells are often used in rituals for rain carried out on mountain summits in the Andes. 153 We could, rherefore, see the use of sand in rhe floor of rhe Principal Temple, open in the direction of Machu Picchu Mounrain and Salcanray (and associated celestial phenornena), as playing a role in a mountain/water cult. On rhe east side of the Sacred Plaza is a beaurifully builr srrucrure that Bingham named the Temple of the Three Windows (Figure 3.8). He nored rhe uniqueness of such large windows in an Inca building and the obvious ceremonial nature of the structure.154 The windows look out toward the mounrains and Urubamba River to the east, while rhe structure is open to rhe west with a clear view to rhe Pumasillo range (Figure 3.9).

Figure 3.4. River rocks are found scattered around the «ceremonial stone» near the Watchman’s House

Excavations beneath the Temple of the Three Windows and elsewhere near the Sacred Plaza unearthed shards of 66 vessels. Of these vessels, 56 were for holding liquids (see Figure 3.1 O). i;5 It could be argued that such a percentage would hold for pottery found ar any ceremonial site whatever its purpose. The discovery, however, of vessels for holding liquids so near the area of sand at the center of a site that likely was associated with water/weather ceremonies would suggest that the vessels were used in such rites. The many shards found below the windows indicare that the vessels may have been ritually broken, a practice that took place in pre- Inca times and is still common in the Andes today. 156 (Most of the intact vessels collected by Bingham carne from burials, sorne of which were accessible under boulders and likely received offerings during the Inca period; see Figure 3.11.) This hypothesis is furrher strengthened when we place these finds and ceremonial structures within the context of Machu Picchu’s sacred geographical setting and in view of my interpretation of the Intihuatana stone (see below), which is on a hill overlooking rhe Sacred Plaza and connected to it by rhe most carefully constructed stairway at Machu Picchu. (8)

SACRED STONES

Sorne of the stones at Machu Picchu have been carved or set off in such a way rhat clearly indicates they were either worshipped in themselves or used as places of worship. lt will not be possible to examine the majoriry of such stones here, but a few comments should be made as to how they fit into an interpretation of Machu Picchu in terms of sacred geography. Before examining sorne of the stones at Machu Picchu, we should take a look at beliefs held about stones in traditional Andean religion.

In this brief overview I am primarily concerned with stones or boulders rhat are not moveable, a!though this does not mean they do not share characteristics with ones that have been set up artificially. Examining the literature, we find rhat large stones are often believed to house spirits, and in sorne cases these spirits are those of ancestors. 157 When found next to fields or villages, they are frequendy perceived as protector spirits andas capable of increasing productiviry. This is the case near Cuzco today, 158 and similar beliefs were held in prehispanic times over a large area of Peru. 159

Figure 3.5. The main gateway at Machu Picchu.

Figure 3.6. The Sacred Plaza, in the lower left center of the picture, was aptly named by Bingham because of the religious nature of the structures surrounding lt. The Principal Temple is visible with finely carved steps leading up from it to the lntihuatana stone (behind the structure in the upper left center). Huayna Picchu is the mountain in the background on the right.

ARCHITECTURE ANO SACRED LANDSCAPE
Stones were also noted rhroughour che Andes as representing mountain gods.160 Near Cuzco stones were worshipped on mountains such as Huanacauri, 161 and we know that a stone shaped like chis mountain was worshipped outside of Cuzco. 162 Boulders at villages are still worshipped because of their association with major mountains of the area, such as Ausangate.163 Given the above, it is easy to understand why Bernabé Cobo, writing in che mid-1600s, listed stones as making up 29 percent of che sacred objects around Cuzco.164

Turning now specifically tostones at Machu Picchu, we first have to establish what evidence can be used to determine the possible function of a stone in terms of sacred geography. (9) Since there is no direct historical evidence and the reasons thar boulders were worshipped were not always che same, we have to look at each stone relative to its location within che site and see if its shape, how it was viewed (following che approach to it constructed by the Incas), and nearby iterns would help in establishing its function (e.g., if sacred geographical features were replicated). I am aware of only a few cases where these factors appear to come together, bue these are significant ones.

THE INTIHUATANA

The Intihuatana stone is the centerpiece of a prominent ritual site at rhe ruins. Ir was named Intihuatana by Bingham because of its resemblance to similar carved stones near Cuzco that had been previously called by chis term, which means roughly «che place to which che sun was tied.»165 According to John Rowe chis name does not appear in che literature until 1856, where is was applied to a «huge block» above the Inca site at Ollantaytambo. 166

Most discussions of the Intihuatana have interpreted itas a sundial, but doubts about chis were expressed as long ago as 1910.167 Recent studies by astronomers have been unable to see how che Imihuatana might have served such a function.168 Even if che angles carved on che stone should prove to have had sorne role in astronomical observations, 169 that still would not rule out its having played a role in mountain worship, as we will see below.

It is significant that, viewed from the Intihuatana at Machu Picchu, sacred mountains are in alignment with che cardinal directions. The Veronica range líes to che east, and che sun rises behind its highest summit at che equinoxes (cf. Figures 1.10, 2.14, 3.12, and 3.13). Huayna Picchu is due north (Figure 3.14). A line of snowcapped peaks of the Pumasillo range is to the west, the sun setting behind the highest summit (246º) at the December solstice and the equinox line crossing
—

Figure 3.7. This structure was named the Principal Temple by Hiram Bingham. Sand was found to cover the /loor of the temple
Reinhard.indb 64

Figure 3.8. The beautifully carved windows that gave rise to the name Temple of the Three Windows. lt borders the eastem side of the Sacred Plaza.

its northern end (Figures 1.1 O, 2.11, and 3.15). The massifof Salcanray lies to the south, its highest summit being atan azimuth of precisely 180º. Salcantay is not visible from the lntihuatana, but it is visible from the summits ofHuayna Picchu and Machu Picchu peak (see Figure 2.20). The lnrihuatana was, therefore, ata central point from which sacred mountains were in alignment with the cardinal directions and where significant celestial activity took place (see appendix).

The lnrihuatana is also well situated for other astronomical observations. The setting sun at the equinoxes occurs behind the highest summit of Cerro San Miguel (272º) (Figures 3.15 and 3.16). The sun can be seen to rise from behind Cerro San Gabriel at the June solstice at 61 º (Figure 3.13)170 and to set behind the San Miguel ridge at 29T. (As a result of the higher elevation on the horizon of the nearest peaks, there is a slight deviation from those azimuths taken when the sunrises and sunsets are viewed across an open, horizontal plane.) The sun at the December solstice rises out of the Urubamba River valley at 112º (Figure 3.13). The Southern Cross would have been seen to move around Machu Picchu Mountain.171 Thus the location of the Imihuatana on a high point of a ridge gave it an exceptional place from which to make astronomical observations in conjunction with sacred geographical features, helping make Machu Picchu a center of special supernatural power.

The shape of the Intihuatana resembles that of a mountain. This is particularly striking when one juxtaposes it with Huayna Picchu. The shadows cast on the Imihuatana also are replicated by those on Huayna Picchu (Figure 3. 14). Even the base of the vertical stone appears to imitare the shape of the lower part of Huayna Picchu. This alignment occurs when one enters rhe summit compound by its main entrance and ascends the left-hand steps to the Intihuatana and looks toward ir. There is only one orher set of steps thar lead to the Imihuatana from the temple area below. These are wider and just to the right of the first set; perhaps they were meant to be used by people not taking part in the worship performed at rhe boulder to the left. Carved into the boulder next to where rhe steps end is a V-shaped depression «pointing» south, which, given its location, was likely used as a place for offerings.

A similar rock carving is found on the summit of Huayna Picchu. Ir «points» due south in the direction of the Imihuatana and Salcamay (Figure 2.20). The placement of one set of steps and the V-shaped depression would appear intentional, establishing a place for someone to view the Intihuatana in alignment with Huayna Picchu. This would indicare rhat rhe Imihuatana was carved to replicare the mountain.

Interestingly, if a person stands on the opposite side of the Intihuatana and looks sourh, its shape seems to replicare that ofMachu Picchu Mountain and its northern slope (Figure 3.17). If this was intencional on the part of the Incas, the Intihuatana would be simultaneously duplicating the shapes of the two sacred mountains closest to Machu Picchu. This would provide an unusual example in worked stone of the kind of reflexivity rhat has been noted for sorne Inca si tes and structures located elsewhere, including near Machu Picchu, as we will see.

As far as the Intihuatana having been used as a kind of solar observatory, it quite possibly was, bur in a different way from thar postulated by the sundial theory. Traditional peoples in the Cuzco region still use the movements of shadows across the mountains to tell time, and in the past they observed shadows on vertical stones for the same purpose.!» Thus observations could have been made of the sun’s movements across rhe Imihuatana (which replicated a sacred mountain) while those movements were also being made on the mountain itself (i.e., Huayna Picchu). This would be different from simply observing the shadow cast on a fiar surface by rhe column of a sundial in order to tell time and would be a more powerful melding of natural symbols as well.

Figure 3 9 A vievv to the west from 1n front of the Temple sorornn of F’umas1llo The F’nnc1pal .remple 1s on the nght

The evidence points to Rowe’s having been correct when he stated that the Intihuatana may have symbolized the «place spirit» of the mountain on which it stands.173 I mentioned earlier that the Incas worshipped a stone having the shape of the sacred mountain Huanacauri, and rhis is just one of severa! examples of the Incas having undertaken the kind of replication noted here (see Guchte 1990). (10) Additional support for this hypothesis comes from a drawing done in 1613 of sacred objects and idols. In it the Inca Topa is portrayed as questioning sorne idols that have rhe shape of the Intihuatana (Figure 3.18).174 He is asking which one was responsible for causing bad weather, a role often attributed to mountain deities. Certainly if Machu Picchu was built with a primary factor being its situation relative to sacred geographical features, rhen it would be logical for one of its outstanding landmarks, a prominent carved stone, to serve as the symbolic representation of a sacred mountain.

Figure 3.10. The aribalo (arybalo) was mainly used to hold liquids, and it was common among the pottery found by Bingham at Machu Picchu. lts form is distinctive to the Incas. (This example from the Inca site on Mount Llullaillaco was recovered with its original rope in place.)


Figure 3.11. Skulls of ancestors were still being worshipped along the Inca Trail in Huayllabamba during the 1980s.

THE SACRED ROCK

There is another boulder rhat sorne investigators believe replicates the shape of a mountain, 17; a particularly prominent boulder found at the north end of the site. It has come to be called the Sacred Rock by sorne authors, although there are, of course, many other sacred rocks at Machu Picchu. lhis one has been singled out because of its large size, its demarcation by a stone platform on one side of an open square, its similarity in shape to the contours of one of the mountains in rhe background, and its location between two stone buildings with the third side open.

The main entry to the Sacred Rock complex via this open third side does seem to indicate that the stone was meant to be viewed with the mountains in the background. An exact fit with any one of these mountains is difficult, however, to discern, the mountain Yanantin coming closest (Figure 3.19).

The anthropologist Roben Randall noted that if a person turned to look out the one open side of the Sacred Rock cornplex, he or she would be facing Pumasillo, which does indeed replicare the shape of rhe Sacred Rock.176 We may also have another example of reflexivity involving sacred mountains on opposite sides of a carved boulder, as noted above. Although it is not firmly established whether rhe Sacred Rock was worshipped as representing a mountain, given the above and my interpretation of Machu Picchu as a whole, this explanation seems reasonable.

THE SUN TEMPLE (TORREÓN)

Additional stones clearly meant for ritual use are the large stones into which platforms or alrars have been carved. One of rhe best-known examples of this is a carved boulder found inside rhe structure named rhe Semicircular Temple by Bingham and now commonly called rhe Temple of the Sun or the Torreón
Figure 3.13. Looking east from the lntihuatana, which is in the foreground. The left arrow marks the rising point of the sun at the June solstice, the center one the rising point of the sun at the equinoxes, and the right one the rising point of the sun at the Oecember solstice (above the Urubamba River gorge).

74

Figure 3.14. The lntihuatana stone appears to replicate the shape of, and the play of shadows on, Huayna Picchu in the background. Even the base of the stone appears to be carved to represen\ in an abstrae\ manner the shape of the mountain.

Figure 3.15. A view to the west from the lntihuatana. The arrow on the left points to the summit of Pumasillo behind which the sun sets at the December solstice. The arrow on the right indicates the point (on the summit of Cerro San Miguel) where the sun sets at the equinoxes.

(see Figures 3.20 and 3.21).177 The walls built around che carved boulder contain sorne of che finest Inca stonework known, and che rare, elliptical form of che structure recalls that of che Temple of che Sun (Coricancha) in Cuzco (Figure 3.22).

The top of che boulder inside che Temple of che Sun apparently was utilized as an altar. By use of a carving in its surface, it may also have served as an aid in making observations of che June solstice (Figure 3.23).178 Since che position where che Pleiades rise is close to that of che sun ar che June solstice, 179 a window orientated to one included che other, The Pleiades were (and still are) closely associated with crop fertíliry and che forecasting of weather.l'» (11) The Pleiades are due north when they reach their highest point in che sky, and chus they will also be above Huayna Picchu. This juxtaposition thereby presents a parallel to che Southern Cross and Salcantay to che south,

When the sun shines through che window onto che carving of che rock at che June solstice, it also appears from behind che top of che peak called, by sorne locals, San Gabriel.181 Although it is one of che lower mountains of che Veronica range, it is nonetheless notable as seen from Machu Picchu. Ir would seem that in rhis case rhere is a direct link between astronomical observations and mountains, where the celestial body (and the place from which it was observed-in this case a carved boulder) gains in importance because of its association with a prominent peak on the horizon. We have already seen the importance of the Veronica range in beliefs relating to weather and fertility.

Figure 3.17. A view south to the lntihuatana with Machu Picchu Mountain in the background. Here, too, it appears to replicate the shape of, and the play of shadows on, a mountain in the background. Just behind the lntihuatana are two sets of steps that worshippers used to reach the sacred stone.

Figure 3.18. An Inca is depicted worshipping ata carved stone that resembles the lntihuatana at Machu Picchu (from Guarnan Poma 1980 [1613]).
80

Figure 3.19. Called by sorne the Sacred Rock, this boulder was especially demarcated by a stone wall at its base. lt may have been set off in order to replicate the shape of the mountain Yanantin (directly behind ít) in the background (San Gabriel is on the right). The boulder is more similar, however, to Pumasillo, visible in the opposite direction, which is the only open side of the complex.

The large boulder inside rhe Temple of rhe Sun also forms rhe top of a cave, and this would probably have added to the building’s sacredness (Figure 3.24). lhe cave contains beautifully carved stones and niches, which led Bingham to believe it was used as a royal mausoleum (see Figure 3.25).182 From the cave’s entrance one can look out toward San Gabriel and surrounding mountains. At the entrance is a boulder carved in a stepped pattern rhat sorne authors believe was commonly used to symbolize a mountain, 183 an interpretation that would also be in accord with that of the Temple of the Sun above. lhere is other evidence pertaining to beliefs about caves in Inca thought to support che hypothesis that rhe cave was associated with mountain worship, which I will examine below.

TEMPLE OF THE MOON
The Temple of che Moon is actually a cave situated sorne 390 mi 1,280 feet below che summit of Huayna Picchu on its steep northern side. Ir contains sorne very fine Inca stonework (Figure 3.26). Apparently che cave was given its name by people in modern times who observed that during che night of a full moon che cave’s interior became illuminated.184 It is probably of greater importance that it looks out at che equinox setting point of che sun on che ridge of Cerro San Miguel, which coincides with che place on che horizon where che sun sets on che June solstice as seen from che Intihuatana.

Since not all caves received such special treatment, we should examine what elements could have played a role in che high status bestowed on chis one. It is possible rhat water, fairly scarce in chis area, carne out of a spring near che cave or even from inside it.185 The location of che cave high on che sacred mountain of Huayna Picchu could also have been a factor.

When we examine beliefs about caves in che Andes, there are shared features chat could help explain che special attention paid to chis one. Historical sources note thar caves were often perceived as che entrances into che mountains from which che fi.rst ancestors carne, and frequently bodies of dead ancestors were kept in caves. Such beliefs and practices were in many cases linked to che concept that peo ple carne out from che mountains chrough caves and that che souls themselves return to reside there.

Caves are seen as che entrances into che mountains where che mountain gods reside in man y pares of Peru.186 This belief was noted in che Inca period, 187 and it still exists in che area of Cuzco today. 188 Similar beliefs are held as far afi.eld as Bolivia and Chile.189 Caves could also be seen as entrances into che mountains thar animals, believed to belong to che mountain gods, could use as well. In addition, caves were places for leaving offerings to che mountain deities. 190

Archaeologists have made recent discoveries below che Temple of che Moon thar appear to support che interpretation that it was related to mountain worship. They found a structure rhat had two small holes in two niches. The only thing visible when looking through che holes was a prominent mountain across che river called Yanantin. 191 The archaeologists believe that che holes were made as pare of practices done in worship of chis sacred mountain. Yanantin is che same mountain that may have been replicated by che Sacred Rock.

Taken as a whole, che evidence points to che Temple of che Moon having become important, at least in pare, as a resulr of its association with mountain worship. Perhaps its opening out, albeit only in a general way, toward che setting sun at che equinoxes (which in turn occur at che same place where che June solstice sets as seen from che Intihuatana) added to its sacredness.

Figure 3.20. View to the Sun Temple (Torreón) with the lntihuatana hill behind
83

Figure 3.21. The Sun Temple is one of the best-constructed structures at Machu Picchu. The boulder inside it may have been carved partly to serve as an altar and also to observe the rise of the sun and the Pleiades at the June solstice through a window orientated in that direction.


Figure 3.22. The elliptical wall of the Temple of the Sun (Coricancha) in Cuzco is one of the most astonishing examples of Inca stonework. The Dominican Church was constructed over the temple’s remains.
INTIMACHAY ANO THE CONDOR STONE
Intimachay is a small cave that also has sorne fine Inca stonework indicating that it was of special significance to the Incas, It is located on the eastern side of Machu Picchu, just below what has been named the «Industrial Quarter» on sorne plans of the site. A convincing case has been made rhat it was builr primarily as a place to observe the December solstice sunrise. 192 As seen from Machu Picchu, on the December solstice the sun does not rise behind any noteworthy feature of rhe horizon. Below the immediate horizon, however, the sun does rise from the narrow gorge carved by the sacred Vilcanota River, which we have seen is linked with Ausangate (from behind which the December solstice rises), the Milky Way, the sun’s passage, and water/fertiliry beliefs in general.

There is a unique stone carving located close to rhe Inrimachay cave thar has commonly been thought to represent a condor because of similarities between it anda condor’s head (Figure 3.27). Bearing in mind that this identification is by no means certain, ir might be recalled that we have already seen how condors are believed over much of the Andes to represent-or manifest-the mountain deities, including Salcantay.

TERRACES, IRRIGATION, ANO FOUNTAINS

Machu Picchu is renowned for its terraces. It has been shown that terracing helps prevent erosion, increases the amount of leve! ground, and softens the effects of climatic variation.193 This means that agricultura! production is increased, especially as terraces are often irrigated, and thus the growing time is shortened.

The crop most likely cultivated at Machu Picchu was probably maize, with perhaps sorne potatoes.194 Maize played an important role in religious ceremonies, and, given Machu Picchu’s importance as a religious center, any grown at the site would have likely been viewed as especially sacred.

Mountain deities were (and still are) closely linked with cultivation terraces and irrigation systems, 195 and rhis was also rhe case in the Cuzco region.196 This is understandable given their role in providing water and controlling the hydrological cycle, 197 the use made of their slopes, 198 and their perceived role in causing landslides and earthquakes.199 It is, therefore, diflicult to imagine the Incas not making offerings to the mountain on which rhey constructed terraces.

Figure 3.23. The rock inside the Sun Temple at Machu Picchu was carved to indicate the rise of the June solstice through the window opposite.


Figure 3.25. The cave under the boulder of the Sun Temple was called the Royal Mausoleum by Bingham (although no funerary items were found), and the fine stonework inside jt indicates that it.!:,ad a ceremonial
Figure 3.26. The so-called Temple of the Moon is a cave on the slopes of Huayna Picchu, which contains examples of sorne of fine Inca stonework.
Reinhard.indb 90

Bingham noted the scarcity of water at Machu Picchu and even suggested that this lack may have been a reason for the abandonment of the site.200 A recent hydrological study established, however, rhat rhe Incas did not abandon Machu Picchu because of water shortage.i'» We have seen how the water would have been considered sacred (Figures 3.28 and 3.29). A large number of well-built fountains is not common in Inca sites, and the ones at Machu Picchu probably were utilized in good part for ritual bathing and ablutions. This underscores the role that water played in the sacred nature of the site.

The extensive terracing and dominant position of Machu Picchu on a steep mountainside have led sorne people to point to what they believe is the excellent defensive nature ofMachu Picchu (see Figure 3.30) .202 Although Machu Picchu certainly is situated in an impressive location, there is no evidence that there was a serious threat from the jungle area, and recent analysis ofbones found little cranial trauma, which suggests rhat the site did not experience attacks.i'» On one hand this evidence is consistent with the general picture we have of Machu Picchu’s location being within a system of pilgrimage sites rather than ones of a defensive nature. On the other hand, as we will see, the Incas may have conquered the area, especially around Vitcos, west ofMachu Picchu, at least in part to use as a base to attack their traditional enemies, the Chancas, in the hills to the west.i'»

Nonetheless, Machu Picchu seems to have been constructed primarily for religious reasons.i'» Scholars have noted that rhe walls and enclosures only hindered access rather than provided a solid system of defense. In sorne cases structures thought to have been defensive may have been built for other purposes (e.g., the moat likely was used to collect water runoff rather than to provide a defensive barrier). The outer walls seem to have been intended more for enclosing a religious site than for defense per se.206 The idea that Machu Picchu was chosen for defensive reasons seems even less probable when we see rhat orher important Inca centers in the area were not of a defensive nature. 207

Figure 3.27. In the lower part of the photo is the so-called Condor Stone. The ruins above it are part of what Bingham called the Unusual Niches group.


– ..
Figure 3.30. The construction of terraces on steep hillsides is one of the impressive aspects of Machu Picchu. View to the east from Cerro San Miguel.
Reinhard.indb 96

Chapter Four

Further Sites in the Region

Figure 4.1. Phuyupatamarka is at the origin of a river that joins the Urubamba River below and clearly was an importan! ceremonial site on the way to Machu Picchu.

If the construction of Machu Picchu was related to a significant degree to sacred landscape, it would seem likely that orher sites associated with it would play supponive roles. They, too, might have features rhar could be better understood using our knowledge of sacred geography in the area. A discussion of these si tes, sorne of which are quite irnportant in their own right, will in turn enable us to see Machu Picchu within che broader context of which it was a pan (see Figures 1.1 O and 1.12).

PHUYUPATAMARKA

Phuyupatamarka is situated just below che crest of a ridge at approximately 3,550 mi 11,647 feet elevation, ca. 6 km southeast of Machu Picchu. One of the most importanr si tes along the famed Inca Trail (see Figure 1.12), it consists of structures that clearly formed pan of a ceremonial complex (Figures 4.1 and 4.2).2º8 Severa! «baths,» probably used for ritual purposes, descend from a source that carries water originating from a spring in the mountainside.

About 100 m/328 feet above the main cornplex, on a high point of the ridge, is a platform with a retaining wall following che shape of che terrain. Toe platform affords excellent views of che major snowcapped peaks, including Salcantay to che south, numerous snow peaks (e.g., Pumasillo) to che west, and Veronica (Waqaywillka) to the east by northeast (see Figures 4.1, 4.3, and 4.4). Machu Picchu peak líes below to the north,

Figure 4.2. A plan of the ruins at Phuyupatamarka (from Maclean 1986).

Although the surnrnit platforrn could have served as a signa! station, as suggested by sorne authors (e.g., the anthropologist Paul Fejos),209 I believe its rnain function was as a place frorn which to worship the surrounding rnountains. If the cornrnon custorn at such sites was followed, then sorne of the ritual offerings would have been buried. This would explain why there was so rnuch digging done there, and not apparently elsewhere, by treasure hunters. Of course, the place itself would have been sacred, this particular site doubtless having been chosen because of the water source, as rhe archaeologist Margaret MacLean has surmised.i!»

Water sources, especially those that led to irnportant irrigation works, were usually considered sacred by the Incas. This source was likely perceived to have been related to Salcantay, being located on a ridge extending down frorn the rnountain. Such beliefs are cornrnon throughout the Andes, as noted earlier. This connection with Salcantay would have increased the sacredness of the source of water and the surnrnit platforrn associated with it.

FURTHER SITES IN THE REGION

The fact that no large structure exists on the summit should not lead one to assume that the hilltop itself was of minor importance. We know that most of the ritual sites on mountain summits were not impressive, whereas the mountains themselves were among the most important deities in Inca religion, and large cornplexes connected to their worship were frequently built on their slopes below.211

In summary, Phuyupatamarka was likely a pilgrimage site along rhe Inca Trail to Machu Picchu. lhe Inca sites along this road indicare it was a very sacred place because it was associated with an important water source and because it was a place where pilgrims could worship in view of the most sacred mountains of the region. Such worship would most likely have been for the usual reasons: fertilíty of crops and animals, protection of the people, success in trade, and so forth. lhis hypothesis helps explain rhe function of other aspects of rhe site as well, such as the ritual baths,
Figure 4.3. The arrow points to Pumasillo in the distance. A lone individual stands on the artificial platlorm above Phuyupatamarka.

WIÑAYWAYNA

The site of Wiñay Wayna (Huiñay Huayna) is situated down the slope from Phuyupatamarka and a couple of hours’ walk sourheast of Machu Picchu. It lies at an elevation of about 2,680 m/8,793 feet and is the last major complex of ruins on the Inca Trail befo re reaching Machu Picchu (see Figures 1.1 O, 1.12, and 4.5). Ir basically consists of two groups of structures, an upper anda lower, with a series of baths or fountains separating them, and sorne fine terracing (Figure 4.6).212 lts religious character is indicated by its having nineteen fountains-more than any other Inca site.213 Wiñay Wayna is near a waterfall that originates at Phuyupatamarka above (Figure 4.7), and the sites are linked by a superb section of Inca road. lhus it seems probable thar, aside from assisting in food production (and possibly coca growing), Wiñay Wayna was built as a ritual stopping place along the pilgrimage road to Machu Picchu-with the sacred water as an important aspect of rhe site’s function.214
Figure 4.5. View over ruins at Wiñay Wayna with Veronica in the background.

Figure 4.6. A plan of the ruins at Wiñay Wayna (from Maclean 1986).

CHOOUESUYSUY, SAYACMARCA, RUNCU RACCAY, ANO PIQUILLAKTA

Choquesuysuy, Sayacmarca (Sayacmarka), and Runcu Raccay illusrrate che ritual importance of water (and in one case a hilltop) in complexes found on che same ridge (in che broadest sense) leading down from Salcancay. There are severa! other sites in chis area, sorne of which have sacred elements (e.g., carved boulders), bue they seem to have been more in che nature of support sites for Machu Picchu.215

Choquesuysuy lies just below a waterfall near a stream where it meets che Urubamba Rivera few kilometers upriver from Machu Picchu. This stream originares in che spring at Phuyupatamarka. A waterfall exists just above che site. As we would expect in view of what we have seen, Choquesuysuy has a sacred character, with fountains that likely played a role in che rituals performed there.216
104

Sayacmarca and Runcu Raccay lie along che sacred road to Machu Picchu (Figures 1.10, 1.12, and 4.8), and they appear to have functioned in pare as lodges and control points over roads.217 They both, however, overlook the sources of rivers. In che case of Sayacmarca there is also a prominent, carved boulder at che site (see Figures 4.9 and 4.1 O). The main building of Runcu Raccay is formed by concentric circles of walls, which may be symbolic of a water cult-such circles being commonly interpreted elsewhere in the Andes in chis way (Figures 4.11 and 4.12 ).218 In what may be a reflection of a prehispanic custom, during the severe drought of 1988 men climbed up to the lake above the waterfall near Runcu Raccay and threw rocks into it to wake up che mythological being residing there in arder for it to cause rain.219 This was a practice at other sacred lakes during the Inca period.F»

The popular hiking trail to Machu Picchu has as its tradicional starting point the site of Pattallacta (also known as Llaktapata on sorne maps), an important site on rhe bank of che Urubamba River (Figure 4.13). The site likely supplied Machu Picchu with agricultura! produces grown in che area. Ir also has an important ceremonial sector, however, with arare, elliptical wall surrounding a boulder situated directly above the Cusichaka (Kusichaca) River (Figure 4.14) close to its confluence with the Urubamba River (see Figure 4.15). Having examined ruins along the Inca Trail, 1 will now take a brieflook at other sites near Machu Picchu that also appear to have played supportive and/or religious roles.

Figure 4.8. Trekkers follow the Inca Trail as it passes by lakes between Sayacmarca and Runcu Raccay.

20m.
Figure 4.9. A plan of the ruins at Sayacmarca (Sayacmarka).

CERRO SAN MIGUEL

Across the Urubamba River from Machu Picchu to the west is a mountain called Cerro San Miguel (also Vizcachani) (ca. 2,924 m/9,593 feet) (see Figures 1.1 O and 3.15). In 1989 Fernando Astete and 1, along with other archaeologists from the National lnstitute of Culture, investigated an artificially formed circular platform on the mountain’s summit. The platform is 25 m in diameter and has an upright stone in the center (Figure 4.16). Ali the principal sacred mountains of the region can be seen from this spot. The summit of San Miguel lies due west of

Figure 4.11. A plan of the principal structure Runcu Raccay (from Maclean 1986).
Figure 4.12. The main structure at Runcu Raccay.

4

FURTHER SITES IN THE REGION

Machu Picchu. As viewed from the central stone, the Intihuatana is at 92 º and the highest summit ofVeronica at 91 º; thus rhese two ritually significant landmarks are on the equinox line and in alignment with each other to one degree.

Parts of a well-constructed Inca road were also seen leading to the platform from the east side of the mountain up steep cliffs and through jungle, and this emphasizes the site’s importance for the Incas. Farther along the San Miguel ridge to the north we saw small structures that are located at rhe point the June solstice would set (29T) as seen from the lmihuatana.221 There seems little doubt that the platform with its central stone was constructed as a marker of the equinox, as a place to worship this combination of a mountaintop and sacred alignment, and, at least in part, for worship of the sacred geographical features on the horizon. lt might be added thar the mountain San Miguel is also surrounded, like Huayna Picchu, on three sides by the Urubamba River.
112


Figure 4.16. An elongated stone was found in the center of a circular platform on Cerro San Miguel’s summit lying due west (the equinox line) from Machu Picchu Salcantay is to the left in the background and the Ouishuar range to the right.

LLAKTAPATA AND PALCAY

Bingham located the ruins of Llaktapata (ca. 2,760 m/9,055 feet) on a ridge berween the Aobamba and Santa Teresa Rivers southwesr of Machu Picchu.222 In previous editions of this book I noted that Iittle was known about Llaktapata (Llactapata) and that it did not seem to have had any particular ceremonial tunetion. (12) Scholars thought that it was likely to have been a control point and clearing house for goods. Given its location, however, in a setting similar to Machu Picchu’s, I thought that further research needed to be undertaken to determine its possible function.

This research was provided by McKim Malville, Hugh Thomson, and Gary Ziegler, who investigated Llaktapata in 2003. They surveyed more than 80 structures, divided into tive sectors. While documenting the orientations of the structures, they discovered striking parallels with my findings at Machu Picchu and also similarities in orientation, design, and scale ofbuildings in Sector 1 with the Temple of the Sun ( Coricancha) in Cuzco. For example, a structure they designated as the «Sun Temple» had the outward extension of its corridors align with sunrise over Machu Picchu at the June solstice. Among other alignments, they noted that the sight line between the Priest’s House at Machu Picchu (open to the December solstice sunset and Pumasillo) and the Llaktapata Sun Temple function in díametrically opposite directions for both solstices and mountains (see Figure 4.17). A large, artificially raised platform (usnu or ushnu) aligns with the December solstice sunrise. They located small platforms on crags that lie direcdy on the equinox line as it crosses the summit ofCerro San Miguel (with its Intihuatana-like stone), and thus the line extends on via Machu Picchu’s Intihuatana and Mount Veronica. They noted other solstice and mountain alignments and also that severa! structures and a central plaza were aligned with the cardinal directions.

Figure 4.17. A plan showing the alignments of Llaktapata with Machu Picchu (from Malville. Thomson, and Ziegler 2004).

Their findings suggest an intent to achieve mutually interactive sight lines, and they observe, «Solstice-equinox orientation in relationship with alignments on Huayna Picchu and Mount Machu Picchu indicares that adoration and ritual focus on these special mountains and the sun may have been the primary purpose at Llaktapata.» They conclude: «The sightlines, shrines, and buildings of Machu Picchu and Llaktapata appear to establish an extended ritual neighborhood of Machu Picchu, containing geographical, astronomical, and cosmological meaning» (see Figure 4.17).223

In 1985 I located a section oflnca road that ran up from the Llaktapata ruins along the eastern side of the ridge. (13) The ridge extends from Salcantay via the peak called Tucarhuay and parallels the one on which Machu Picchu líes (see Figures 1.10 and 4.18). The two ridges are separated by the Aobamba River, but they are connected vía a series of trails. Bingham followed a trail on the western side of the Llaktapata ridge before it descended to the Palcay ruins, at the headwaters of the Aobamba River. This caused him to miss rhe eastern trail and sites that I located higher along the ridge.

We found an interesting group of structures on a knoll at 3,567 m (11,703 feet) at the edge of the tree line. The Incas had constructed two well-built structures enclosed by a low wall that curves around one end. Next to it is a boulder with carved steps (Figures 4.19 and 4.20). 224 The site’s architecture and location

Figure 4.18. A campsite near the pass east of Salcantay on the trail to Palcay.

easunng the he,ght o 3,507′. m (11 506 feet)

~
Figure 4.20. A plan of the site located at 3,567 m (11,703 feet) on the ridge above Llaktapata (from Reinhard 1990b).

Figure 4.21. Men at lower right follow an Inca trail as it ascends diagonally through a cliff above the site in Figure 4.20.
suggesc that ir primarily served a ceremonial function. The trail concinued on, part!y cut through rhe side of a cliff, connecting Llaktapata wirh Palcay (Figures 4.21 and 4.22).

The Inca site at Palcay (ca. 3,340 m/10,958 feet) was probably important, at least in part, for economic and strategic reasons.225 lt is situated at the junction of crails that link Machu Picchu with important Inca sites: Tarawasi to the souch and Llaktapata and che Sanca Teresa River (and evencually che sices of the Vilcabamba region) to rhe west (Figures 1.10 and 4.23). The site, however, may have hada religious role as well. It is located below a waterfall at rhe confluence of rivers originating in the glaciers of the sacred mountains Salcantay and Tucarhuay (Figure 4.24). Two of the four rooms are well built, but the others were not completed before the site was abandoned. There is, however, a clear division into what would have been four idencical rooms aligned precisely wirh the cardinal directions (Figure 4.25).226 lts association with Salcancay anda river flowing north from it may not be coincidencal, especially in view of the orientations and locations of other sites in the region, as we have seen.

The archaeological complexes located within the region ali appear to either have played roles of support or to have had ceremonial functions that complemented Machu Picchu. Together they formed an elaborate pilgrimage system, with Machu Picchu as its center.227 Ali of the sites show in their construction and placement a great concern with adaptation to the natural landscape. In sorne important cases they demonstrate a clase association with sacred geographical features, which in turn are aligned with astronomical events of special significance to the Incas. Although more research is needed, the evidence from this examination of the oudying sites suggests that the Incas were intent on accomplishing a feat that demonstrates an extraordinary vision-the physical integration of a wide variety of sites, with their cosmology writ large over a vast, sacred landscape.

Figure 4.22. Part of the trail shown in Figure 4.21 was carved through solid rock.

Figure 4.23. An Inca trail cuts horizontally across a sheer cliff on the side of Machu Picchu Mountain. lt linl<ed the site of Machu Picchu with Palcay and l.laktapata.

Figure 4.24. The upper region of the Aobamba River where the ruins of Palcay are located.
Figure 4.25. A plan of an unfinished Inca complex at Palcay (adapted from Bingham 1913).

Chapter Five
The Builders of Machu Picchu

The idenrlfication of those primarily responsible for the construction of Machu Picchu could offer clues to its purpose. Sorne writers have speculated that parts of the site had been constructed a couple of hundred years before the Spanish conquest+» Given that the region was inhabited to sorne degree prior to the Incas,229 it would not be surprising to find sorne evidence of pre-Inca use of the ridge at Machu Picchu. 230 Based on a study of the architecture and archaeological remains, however, the site visible today has been thought by the majority oflnca scholars to date to the time of rhe expansion of the Inca Empire during the reigns of Pachacuti and Topa Inca, during the second half of the fifteenth century.231
Figure 5.1. A man representing the emperor Pachacuti is carried at the festival of lnti Raymi in Cuzco.
In 1987 che archaeologist John Rowe discussed a sixteenth-century document that indicares that Machu Picchu was an estate of Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui.232 Pachacuti has been credited wirh the inicial expansion of the Inca Empire outside of che Cuzco valley and into the Vilcabamba region, where he established a center at Vitcos in che rnid- l 400s (Figures 1.1 O and 5.1). 233

Of interese from che perspective of sacred geography is that Pachacuti was likely responsible for che construction, or at least improvement, of a number of sites associated with mountain worship (e.g., on Pachatusan, Walla Walla, and Huanacauri), as well as numerous ceremonial complexes where worship of sacred geographical features took place. He is also che emperor who reportedly had Cuzco rebuilt to better reflect political-religious-economic concepts and ensured its establishment as a sacred center in che Andean world.t»‘

Among the many projects Pachacuti is credited with undertaking is che elaboration of the ceque system, a series of imaginary fines radiating out from the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco, which had more than 330 huacas (sacred places or objects) situated along thern (Figure 5.2).235 The anthropologist David Gow found that stones, mountains, and water sources made up 68 percent of these huacas.236 The ceques were thernselves closely tied to che distribution of water in
Figure 5.2. A diagram of the ceque (imaginary line) system at Cuzco (from Bauer 1998).
~
«1

Figure 5.3. The ruins of Pisac, a royal estate of the emperor Pachacuti, who abandoned it and went on to build Machu Picchu
the Cuzco valley.237 This concern with the sacred geographical environment continued with Pachacuti’s son, Topa Inca, during whose reign (ca. AD 1463-1493) hundreds of ceremonial sites were constructed on mountain summits throughout the Andes.238

According to Rowe, Pachacuti undertook the conquest of Vilcabamba in order to use itas a base for attacking his enemies, the Chancas.239 He may have established Machu Picchu as a memorial to his conquest. The archaeologist Ann Kendall believes that Pachacuti might have intended it to be a ceremonial center to replace the important site of Pisac (northeast of Cuzco), which he had built and later abandoned (Figure 5.3).240

During Pachacuti’s Vilcabamba campaign Machu Picchu could have been of more strategic importance.241 Cobo wrote ofhow the native people ofVilcabamba were impressed by constructions undertaken by the Incas and how this was a reason rhey eventually submitted to them.242 Surely the construction of sites and roads throughout the rugged region would have served to demonstrate Inca dominance to the local inhabitants.
124
THE BUILDERS OF MACHU PICCHU
lhe emphasis on religion would also have been linked to such dominance, since the deities would have controlled the economy and protected the people of the region. When the Amaybamba Valley was later conquered, it became the preferred route into Vilcabamba and the road that passed near Machu Picchu fell into disuse.243 After the Incas rose up against rhe Spaniards but were defeated at Cuzco, they retreated and established their capital at Vitcos (Figure 5.4).

As we have seen, mountain worship was closely linked with weather control, and mountain deities were often protector deities of regions they dominated. In this regard it is interesting that Pachacuti chose as his guardian «brother» deity Illapa, the weather god. He took a statue ofillapa with him to war.244 lhe association of weather gods (often mountain deities) and war was widespread at rhar time in the Andes245 and still is today.246 Illapa was probably utilized by the state to incorporare the regional weather gods under one generalized deity.247

In any event Pachacuti’s selection ofillapa as his «brother» deity demonstrates his concern with having a close relationship wirh a weather/war god. An important religious center such as Machu Picchu, constructed in good part for worship of

Figure 5.4. The Spanish destroyed much of the Inca capital of Vitcos, and only a few entranceways remained intact.

mountain, weather, and protector deities in a region he had conquered, would accord with Inca beliefs in general and with Pachacuti’s actions in particular.

John Rowe noted that if Machu Picchu was one of Pachacuti’s estates, it fell outside che administrative system of the Inca Empire.248 Instead, it carne under che jurisdiction of che group (panaca) composed ofhis direct descendants except for his successor, rhe next Inca emperor.249 Machu Picchu is unusual among the estates of emperors, however, in that it has an elaborare series of sites with important ritual components builr on along a defined pilgrimage route, now known as the Inca Trail.

Recent studies undertaken with che Bingham collection at Yale have added support to the idea ofMachu Picchu having been an estate, uncovering evidence of a diverse population with a variety of goods brought in from great distances. Scholars disagree, however, about whether Machu Picchu could be considered an actual «estate.» Pare of the problem may lie in the difficulty of having an Inca concept agree with its English (or Spanish) gloss. There appears to have been considerable variety among che different «estates» associated with even a single Inca emperor. For example, Pachacuti built estates at Pisac and Ollantaytambo that differ from Machu Picchu, not least in che latter being pare of an elaborare system of connected sites (e.g., Phuyupatamarka, Sayacmarca, Wiñay Wayna). Rather than each one of these Inca Trail sites being a separare «estate,» they were deliberately constructed in relation to Machu Picchu and should be viewed as pares of a whole. There are other differences as well. Unlike Machu Picchu, for example, most estates do not have large plazas. In any event the pilgrimage aspect of Machu Picchu makes it clear that if it is to be called an «estate,» it differed significantly from others known to historians. (14)

If Machu Picchu was maintained in the same way as other estates, its abandonment could have been due in part to che panaca having found it difficult to continue the maintenance of the sites. This would have especially been the case once che civil war began between the brothers Atahualpa and Huascar, which followed che death of che emperor Huayna Capac sometime around 1527.

In the original study of the skeletons found in burials at Machu Picchu, a high percentage of female skeletons (approximately 4: 1, females to males) was reported.P» This led Hiram Bingham to conclude that it had been a home for che Virgins of the Sun. The maintenance of an isolated estate, however, along with departure of men for che war between Atahualpa and Huascar (and later bardes with the Spaniards), could have explained such a high female-to-male ratio, assurning that it existed. In addition, there had long been sorne doubt that the gender of che bones had been correctly identified, and recently it has been established thar the supposed gender imbalance was actually about 1.54: 1 (females to males).251

THE BUILDERS OF MACHU PICCHU

Bingham’s hypothesis rhat Machu Picchu was a home for the Virgins of the Sun was further weakened by the meagerness of the artifacrs found in the burials. 252 One would expect more elaborate burials in the cases of high-status females.

Bingham’s hypothesis had also been influenced by his identification of Machu Picchu as Vilcabamba the Old, the last capital of the Incas.253 This opinion is no longer shared by the vast majority of scholars, who instead have identified Vilcabamba the Old at rhe place now called Espíritu Pampa, located deeper in the jungle (Figure 5.5).254

Other si tes in rhe region of Machu Picchu formed parts of a system of roads and buildings that linked Cuzco with Vilcabamba, and these were also abandoned at the same time. Therefore, it appears likely that this was part of a deliberate policy to leave the area unpopulated and isolated.255 This remote region would have served as a rugged buffer zone to prevent Spanish incursions into the area, which a document of 1562 clearly indicates.256 According to this document, Tupac Amaru and his brother Titu Cusi reportedly «pillaged and burned ali the Indian houses of the repartimientos [land divisions] of Amaybamba and Picchu.» This would help explain the mystery of why Machu Picchu was abandoned and why it remained relatively intact (minus objects of real value to the Incas) and undiscovered for such a long time. (15)

Figure 5.5. A reconstruction of what the Incas’ last capital of Vilcabamba (Espíritu Pampa) would have looked like at the time of Inca occupation (from Lee 2000).

Chapter Six
Conclusions: The Sacred Center

Figure 6.1. An annual pilgrimage is made during the festival of Ooyllur fiiti to glaciers on the slopes of Mount Qolquepunku. east of Cuzco. lraditional beliefs associate the worship there as being principally for /\usangate to

130

As we have seen, a large and complex set of factors would have contributed to Machu Picchu’s economic, political, and religious importance, and I will summarize only a few of the principal ones here. Machu Picchu may have been a royal retreat built partly to commemorate Pachacuti’s successful campaign against the Chancas.257 Sorne scholars believe thar Machu Picchu was an important site because of its strategic economic and political situation between the forest lowlands and Cuzco.258 It would have helped control trade and provided security to farmers in the fertile nearby valleys.259 Perhaps Machu Picchu was itself a center for communities that grew warrn-weather crops such as coca lea ves and maize. 260 Although these factors would have affected the growth and importance ofMachu Picchu, they still do not seem to explain its inaccessible location or its religious significance.

A careful look at the geographical location of Machu Picchu reveals that it is not only atan ecological center between rhe mountain highlands and rhe forest lowlands, but it is also located among the most sacred mountains of the region. In addition, it is virtually encircled by the sacred Urubamba River, which flows generally in a southeast to northwest direction, replicating the passage of rhe sun. At key times of the Inca calendar the sun rises and sets behind snowcapped mountains, which are still considered powerful deities today. The Southern Cross, center of the Milky Way, the celestial river in Inca thought, lies in juxtaposition with Salcantay, one of the most sacred mountains of the Incas and directly connected to Machu Picchu. Sacred mountains lie in the four cardinal directions from rhe site. This central location ofMachu Picchu, itselfbui!t on a mountain, recalls the discussion by Mircea Eliade of the importance of an axis mundi in world religions.261 The axis mundi becomes a sacred center conceptually uniting rhe earth and sky. Whatever the Incas believed, they would have been aware of rhe central position ofMachu Picchu in relation to the mountains, and major ceremonies at Machu Picchu would certainly have involved mountain worship.

We know thar mountain worship preceded the Incas.262 There is also evidence indicating that the concept of a center surrounded by four sacred mountains was a pre-Inca one: both rhe Wari (Huari) and Tiahuanaco cultures (which arose during the first millennium AD) appear to have developed within this conceptual, physical scheme. 263 Given our understanding of rhe reasons why mountains were so important to the Incas, it is clear that they would have been seen as protectors andas providers of economic stabiliry, When actual mountains coincided closely with important celestial phenomena and the cardinal directions, the sacredness of the place in the center would surely have increased.

The region ofMachu Picchu appears to have been part of a larger system centered in Cuzco. I have referred to the association, both physical and conceptual, between rhe principal mountains of the greater Cuzco region, Salcantay and Ausangate. It is beyond the scope of this book to detail the sacred geography of the Cuzco Valley (or the Vilcanota Valley system with which it is connected), but I would like to make brief reference to it in order to help place Machu Picchu within the larger cosmological and sacred geographical system of rhe Incas.

The important role played by Salcantay at Machu Picchu has been examined previously, and I would only add that Cuzco lies near a midpoint between Salcantay and Ausangate along a line that runs southeast-northwest. Thus it is in accord with the How of the Vilcanota (Urubamba) River, the route of the deity Viracocha (as we saw in Chapter Two), and the sun’s passage during an important part of the year-the time of rains and the growth of crops and herds (see Figure 2.4).

Cuzco also lies near a water divide. It is at the source of a river that flows southeast into the Vilcanota River, which in turn flows northwest. Cuzco is situated on the eastern side of the water divide with a direct view of Ausangate, which still is the center for mountain worship in the region east of Cuzco (see Figures 2.3, 2.4, and 6.1). Cuzco is also located just below a pass that provides a view of Salcantay (Figure 6.2). Senqa, one of the mountains on the northwestern border of the Cuzco Valley, was believed to be the direct origin of the water that passed through Cuzco and also was perceived to have brought rain from the sky.264 Cuzco was thus at the symbolic center for a circulation of waters,w in addition to being a center for the most powerful sacred mountains of the greater Cuzco region.
Figure 6.2. The pyramid-shaped, snowcapped mountain is Salcantay. This picture was taken from near the pass that líes directly above Cuzco to the west. Cuzco is located between Salcantay and Ausangate, two of the most importan! geographical features in the Cuzco region

Machu Picchu, builr by Pachacuti (the emperor responsible for establishing Cuzco as a symbolic center for the Andean world), surely would have been seen as a prominent sacred center. It was within a sacred geographical subsystem, as it were, with Salcantay, one end of the larger system, serving as its principal focus. Despite its remoteness, the area was of great importance economically, religiously, and politically for the Inca Empire. Machu Picchu would have been an important pilgrimage destination for rhe conqueror of the region, Pachacuti, and his deseendants. Special offerings would have been made to state deities, such as the sun, and to those believed associated with key sacred geographical features, especially mountains. Abandonment of rhe sire and extensive looting have left us with only a fragmentary record of what these offerings would have in volved. Finds made at Machu Picchu, however-and at less disturbed ceremonial sites elsewhere in the empire-suggest rhat rhese would have included sacrifices ofllamas and offerings of high-status items of textiles, ceramics, and statues (Figures 6.3, 6.4, and 6.5). (16)

Given the above, an examination of the sacred geographies at other Inca ceremonial sites would seem essential for better understanding the reasons for their locations and their functions. This approach has already proven useful in interpreting pre-Inca ceremonial complexes as well.266

What I have attempted to do in this book is demonstrate the ways in which Machu Picchu fits into a sacred geographical setting and how understanding this can help us in interpreting the significance of its location and its primary functions. The distribution and types of sacred stones, the astronomical alignments of many of the structures, the ways that symbolic and functional elements of Cuzco may have been replicated at the site, and the relationship of the si tes in the region to each other are only sorne of the more obvious areas that need further investigation.

Nonetheless, I am confident that further research will not change the basic concept ofMachu Picchu as a site built in a location selected in large part because of the sacred geographical features surrounding it. These features have been found to be closely associated with sorne of the most important aspects ofinca life: the fertiliry of crops and animals, polirical control, empowerment of ritual specialists, trade, and the hydrological cycle as it interacts with the celestial sphere.

Our knowledge ofinca religion indicares that worship of major (nonmountain) deities such as Viracocha, Illapa, and Inti (rhe sun) certainly would have taken place at the site. But the reasons for Machu Picchu’s location and the key to much of its meaning appear clearly to be associated with the sacred geography of the region. At Machu Picchu we find a unique combination of landscape and cosmological beliefs that together formed a powerful sacred center uniting religion, economics, and politics. These factors led to the construction of one of rhe most impressive ceremonial sites of the ancient world.

Figure 6.3: This model of the Ice Maiden found on Mount Ampato illustrates the dress of an Inca noble woman (courtesy of Christopher Klein).
Figure 6.5. Male and female Inca statues found on Mount Llullaillaco have miniature clothing similar to that worn by adult Inca nobles.
Figure 6.4. A male tunic from a mountain ceremonial site on Llullaillaco illustrates the colorful and

Epilogue

Recent Research in the Machu Picchu Region
A!though che firsc edicion of chis book appeared in 1991, I found liccle in che text chac needed changing while preparing chis latest edicion. Severa! publications relacing to Machu Picchu and other sites in che Vilcabamba region have added information of interese. A number of guidebooks have appeared, and Ruch Wright and Alfredo Valencia (2001) have provided one, The Machu Picchu Guidebook, chat stands out for its choroughness and piccorial documencacion. Fine summaries of che Machu Picchu Historical Sanccuary are chose ofFrost (1995) and Kauffmann-Doig (2005).

Figure E.2. Restoration work in the «Industrial Group.»

Archaeological studies include an important volume by Valencia and Gibaja (1992) that has a compilation of excavations undertaken ar che site over severa! years. One of the most significant investigations undertaken in recent years was the hydrological study of the site by Kenneth Wright and Alfredo Valencia (2000). In addition to demonstrating the flow of water through Machu Picchu, they located the remains of an Inca trail connecting the site with the Urubamba River, established that che Incas did not have to abandon Machu Picchu because of a water shortage, and estimated rhat 60 percent of che work that went into che site’s construction lies underground (Wright and Valencia 2000: 19-24, 38). Richard Burger and Lucy Salazar (2003 and 2004) edited two volumes with arrides reanalyzing the Machu Picchu materials recovered by Bingham (see Burger 2004; Miller 2003; Niles 2004; Verano 2003). The aforementioned books are essential reading for any serious scholar interested in Machu Picchu.

Srudies focusing on new interpretative material direcdy relating to Machu Picchu are few (see the lisr of publications in Programa Machu Picchu 2000). There are sorne that remain within the range of possibility given our understand

Figure E.1. A view across the main plaza to the eastern sector of Machu Picchu, called by Bingham the «Industrial Group.» Much of the recen\ restoration work undertaken at the site has taken place in this sector.   · 35

beliefs (albeit wirh sorne imaginative leaps [e.g., Sánchez 1989]). Others have little basis in historical, ethnographic, or archaeological facts (e.g., Westerman 1998). Ironically, in view of my own focus on the importance of sacred mountains, sorne guides at the ruins now describe stones as representing mountains, even when rhere is little to support this beyond their having pointed shapes-hardly convincing in itself. Wright and Valencia (2000:8, 13), however, added sorne intriguing examples of»arrow stones» (i.e., triangles carved in stones that point in the direction of major peaks) and stones mimicking the shapes of mountains in the distance. Gary Ziegler and Kim Malville (2003) have provided additional evidence of the importance of solstice and mountain alignments at Machu Picchu.

The most noticeable changes at Machu Picchu have been in the physical realm, especially the restoration projects (Figures E. l and E.2) and the opening of a site museum, the Museo de Sitio Manuel Chávez Ballón-Machu Picchu (Astete 2005). There have also been changes in the modern-day cultural sphere (Figure E.3). For example, there has been a considerable expansion in rhe role played by what has been called «mystic tourism» (Flores 1996 and 2004) (Figure E.4). Machu Picchu has come to be seen as a place of special power and attracts New
Figure E.3. A folk dance in the Sacred Plaza at Machu Picchu.

RECENT RESEARCH
Agers and Andean mystics alike. Severa! books have appeared that describe mystical experiences (Cumes and Lizárraga 1999; Wilcox 1999; see also Barrionuevo 2000) and initiations at Machu Picchu (Jenkins 1997). It is likely rhat rhese activities will continue to grow.

Recent excavations at or near Machu Picchu have been few and limited in scope (see Valencia 2004). In 2001 the archaeologist Fernando Astete leda team to the summit ofYanantin, a mountain that stands out across from Machu Picchu to the northeast. As was described in the text, Yanantin appears to have played an important symbolic role at Machu Picchu. Alrhough no ruins were found on its summit (quite difficult to access), remains of more Inca roadwork were discovered nearby (Fernando Astete, personal communication 2002). Kaupp and Fernández (1999) found a ceremonial platform at the pass ofChaskaqasa (clase to Yanantin), and Kaupp and Rodríguez (2004) described ceremonial sites associated with the mountain Veronica above the northern side of the Urubamba River.

In the Vilcabamba region, to the west of Machu Picchu, severa! discoveries of archaeological sites have been made in recent years. Within view of Machu Picchu the site ofLlaktapata (Llactapata) on the ridge between the Aobamba and Santa Teresa rivers (see chapter 4) was more thoroughly investigated by McKim Malville, Hugh Thomson, and Gary Ziegler (2004). As noted previously, they discovered remarkable similarities ar the site to the findings I have presented about Machu Picchu.

Vincent Lee (2000) has presented a summary ofhis years of research still farther west, and he identifies (in sorne cases for the first time) most of the sites noted in the chronicles of this region. Roben von Kaupp has led severa! trips into the area, and his reports have described severa! previously unknown sites (see Kaupp and Delgado 2001; Kaupp and Fernández 1997, 1999, and 2000; Kaupp and Rodríguez 2004). Gary Ziegler has located a number of sites in the Vilcabamba, and he, Peter Frost, and Alfredo Valencia have led teams that discovered Inca ruins north of the important ceremonial center of Choquequirao (Frost 2004; Ziegler 2001). This latter site was what first generated Bingham’s interest in searching for the lost capital ofVilcabamba the Old and thus led to his discovery of Machu Picchu. lt has been extensively cleared and resto red during the past decade (see Figure 1.11).

Although it is not my intention to cite ali of the publications thar have recendy appeared relating to the Incas, there are a few that might be mentioned for the complementary role they have relative to issues noted in this book. Susan Niles’s (1999) book on Inca royal estates makes for interesting comparative material for any study of Machu Picchu. Brian Bauer and David Dearborn (1995) have published an excellent overview of Inca astronomy. This is especially important to read in conjunction with Bauer’s (1998) book on rhe system of conceptual

Figure EA. A painting with mystical allusions greets visitors near the entrance to Machu Picchu.
lines (ceques) that linked more than 300 sacred sites at Cuzco. Bauer and Stanish (2001) wrote about Inca pilgrimage and ceremonial complexes at Lake Ti ti caca, and their book provides valuable material to compare with Machu Picchu and adjacent sites. To this might be added my own studies of an Inca underwater ritual site in Lake Titicaca (Reinhard 19926) and Inca pilgrimage centers in other parts of the empire (Astete and Reinhard 2003; Reinhard 1992a, 1992c, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998a, 19986, 1998c, 1999a, 19996, 2005; Reinhard and Ceruti 2000, 2005, 2006, n.d.). lndeed, it was in part thanks to my work at Machu Picchu that I began to search for these sites because of their apparent relationship with significant features of rhe sacred landscape.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL THEORY ANO SACRED LANDSCAPE STUDIES

Since I first began gathering information about Machu Picchu in the early 1980s, there have been significant advances made that involve archaeological theory and what has come to be called «landscape archaeology»-especially its symbolic and sacred aspects. There is an increased realization that «ali societies in the past would have recognized, as do ali societies in the present, sorne features of their landscapes … as sacred» (Ucko 1994: xix). Severa! studies, mainly in Europe, have demonstrated rhat archaeological sites need to be placed within the broader context of physical and sacred features of rhe landscape-particularly one dominated by mountains (see, e.g., Ashmore and Knapp 1999; Bender 1993; Carmichael et al. 1994; Hirsch and O’Hanlon 1995; Tilley 1994; Ucko and Layton 1999).

Nonetheless, archaeologists have only recently begun applying this approach to prehispanic si tes located in the dramatic topography of the Andes. Research undertaken in recent years has shown rhat the meanings not only of Inca, bur also of pre-Inca, ceremonial sites can be better understood when they are examined using the perspective of sacred landscape (see Bauer 1998; Bauer and Stanish 2001; Guchte 1990; Heffernan 1991, 1996; Hyslop 1990; Kolata and Ponce 1992; Niles 1992; Reindel 1999; Zapata 1998). In my particular case I have applied this perspective to sorne of the most enigmatic sites in the Andes, including Chavín, Tiahuanaco, and the giant drawings called the Nazca Lines (see Reinhard 19856, 1987, 1988, 1990a, 19926, 1992d, 2002).

The examination ofMachu Picchus association with sacred mountains allows it to be placed within this ever-widening body of studies and thus permits comparisons to be made that advance our understanding of cultural adaptations. Since research about a cultural landscape always involves an element ofinterpretation, it especially fits in with recent theoretical approaches, above ali those that fall under the !abe! «post-processual» or «interpretative» (see Hodder 1999:5; Johnson 1999:98-107; Shanks and Hodder 1998). One thing that characterizes «inrerpretative» archaeology when compared to other archaeological approaches is «much more importance being placed upon symbolism and other cognitive factors» (Dark 1995: 10). Thus, a materialist (or «processual») interpretation oflandscape stresses the practical importance of the resources it supplies and therefore that it is a commodity to be exploited (cf. Johnson 1999:103). The interpretative approach would take this into account but would focus more on the ways that the landscape is perceived and the kinds of interaction that take place between it and the culture in which it is embedded.

As we have seen, Machu Picchu was an important place of pilgrimage. The concept of landscape is an especially powerful organizing metaphor for examining pilgrimage cross-culturally and through time (Coleman and Elsner 1995:212). The Incas demonstrated the importance of sacred landscape features through the construction of ceremonial centers in or near them and the establishment of state-sponsored pilgrimages (Reinhard and Ceruti 2006, n.d.). In the end this resulted in one of the most awesome achievements in the prehistory of the Andes-the construction of Machu Picchu in one of the world’s most rugged and spectacular landscapes.

Appendix

Cardinal Directions and Sacred Mountains

In the main body of the text I described the role thar cardinal directions appear to have played in the conceptual organization of Machu Picchu. Because sorne scholars have doubted that north and south played a role in Inca thought, I decided to add a few words on the subject.

The importance of the cardinal directions of east and west has long been known in Inca studies (Rowe 1946:300). They have an obvious linkage with rhe rising and setting points of the sun at the times of the equinoxes, something of no small significance to a people among whorn sun worship figured so prominently. East, in particular, has been one of the most important directions for Andean peoples, dueto its being the direction of the rising sun (see Tschopik 1951 :253), which in turn is associated wirh fertility (Riviere 1982:191). Garcilaso (1966 [1609):117, 413; 1967 [ 1609] 1: 120) was apparently the only chronicler to note direct!y the importance of the equinoxes, and sorne scholars have doubred his reliability on this point. Zuidema (1988: 154-156), however, has demonstrated that there is indirect evidence provided by other chroniclers of their importance, especially with regard to the September equinox.

The Incas were also concerned with duality and oppositions, dual social and political divisions turning into quadripartitions, as was the case in Cuzco itself (Rostworowski 1983; Wachtel 1973). Alrhough there are man y exceptions, which are to be expected given the fact that cardinal directions would constitute only one among severa! factors taken into account for orientating sites (Zuidema 1986), numerous ceremonial structures in Inca and pre-Inca times had their sides aligned with rhe cardinal directions (see Beorchia 1985 for Inca ritual structures on mountain summits; Ponce 1989:93 for Tiahuanaco sites; Rowe 1967:97 for rhe nearly 3,000-year-old ceremonial center at Chavín de Huantar).
Figure A1. A view to the east over the Inca ceremonial site on the summit of Pachatusan, the highest mountain bordering the Cuzco Valley. The Ausangate massif is visible in the distance.

142

Of course, square and rectangular structures in an east-west alignment would have ali sides running in cardinal directions. But this is precisely rhe point: Andean peoples would not ignore that directions were formed in direct opposition to the sacred eastwest ones, even assuming they made no attempt to establish these directions through astronomical observations (see Urton 1978: 162-164 for how this positioning could have been done). That something more was involved than a simple play of oppositions is suggested by the current-day belief near Cuzco that two enormous mountains stand at the northern and southern boundaries of the earth (Urton 1981:36). I have also observed in current-day rituals in several areas of the Andes that offerings are made in the cardinal directions as a way of insuring the «cornpleteness» of a ceremony. Not only has this been reponed elsewhere in the Andes (see, e.g., Buechler and Buechler 1971 :95), but cardinal directions were also involved in the organization of villages and social groups and in turn were connected with ceremonial si tes, induding those on mountains (Riviere 1982:164, 170, 190-191).

The Incas conceptually divided Cuzco and the rest of their empire into four (tawantin) regions (suyus), hence the term Tawantinsuyu for the Inca Empire. The lines dividing the four regions extended out from the Temple of the Sun, and they were perceived to ideally extend in the cardinal directions (Zuidema 1986: 189). According to Zuidema (1986: 189-193), however, only the one to rhe west actually did so. The others deviated because oflocal factors, principally relating to the hydrological system.

Thus, the east line followed the course of the Huatanay River as it flowed out ofCuzco (Zuidema 1986:189-190). If a compass reading is taken from the Coricancha (Temple of the Sun), the center for the ceque (imaginary line) system, then it has an azimuth of approximately 110º (see Figure 5.2). If this line was to extend to the far horizon, it would be in the direction both of the mountain Ausangate and the December solstice sunrise ( 111 º).

From a map showing the division into the four suyus (Zuidema 1986:182), it can be seen that the eastern line is even farther south rhan 110º and that, if extended, this line would exdude Ausangate from rhat suyu. We know, however, that Ausangate was one of the most important sacred places of Collasuyu ( Guarnan Poma 1956 [1613]:196). Therefore, it seems possible rhat rhe line either kept to the 110º bearing, which would be in keeping with Zuiderna’s original staternent (plus follow the example of the southern line, as we will see below) and that the map is wrong, or that it míghr even have returned to a due east direction once it left the immediate vicinity of Cuzco, which was as far as the ceque lines noted by Cobo (1964 [1653]; 1990 [1653]) extended.

Ir might be added that if the eastern line did lead due east, there was still an association with sacred mountains. The rising sun at that time carne up from behind

FURTHER SITES IN THE REGION
Pachatusan, albeit just to the right of the highest summit. Pachatusan was noted as being sacred at the time of the Incas (see Sama Cruz Pachacuti 1968 [1571]:299, 305; Rendan 1960: 117) and continues to be a powerful local moumain god to the present day (Sallnow 1987:129-130), worshipped as a source of fertility for crops and livestock (Pedro Quispe, personal communication 1987). Archaeological remains support its importance in Inca times. Ceremonial structures (artificial platforms and buildings with fine stonework built into cliff sides) are situated high on the mountain, including at the poim where the equinox line crosses it as seen from the Temple of the Sun (Astete and Reinhard 2003; Rendan 1960:117) (Figure Al).

The line continues on to pass by the slopes of the snow moumain Colquepunku, where one of the most important Andean religious festivals, Qoyllur Riri, currently takes place (Randall 1982:62n6; see also Allen 1988:44) (see Figure 6.1). The festival is considered by many local inhabitants to have primarily involved worship of Ausangate for the fertility of crops and livestock (Flores 1991:234; Gow 1974:80-81; Sallnow 1987:211). Colquepunku is either viewed as pan of Ausangate (Gow 1974:57; Sallnow 1987:211, 235) oras deriving its powers from Ausangate (Nuñez del Prado 1969-1970:149). If theline is extended further, it is notfar from a pass (and watershed) on which was a ritual site called Walla Walla, where Inca ceremonial offerings were found, including the finest gold statues in Cuzco’s Archaeology Museum (Franco 1937:269-276) (Figure A.2). The possibility of the eastern line having been due east is made more likely when the case of the northern line is considered.
Figure A.2. The location of the Inca pilgrimage site of Walla Walla is on a pass near the origin of the Mapocho (later Paucartambo) River. The view is to the southwest with the Ausangate massif in the background

Zuidema (1986:182, 191-193) has the line to the north actually leading in a northeasterly direction. Although this may be correct for the placement of the ceque lines, if extended farther the line would mean the exclusion of the mountains Sahuasiray and Pitusiray from Antisuyu. Guarnan Poma (1956 [1613]: 191, 196), however, lists thern as among the most sacred places of Antisuyu (Figure A.3). A due-north line would run over Sahuasiray and easily include Pitusiray. They are still worshipped widely in rhe area today (Sanchez 1984:266), also figuring in a legend in which Sahuasiray provided water to the valley below (Dumezil and Duviols 1974-1976:174). lmportant ruins lying on or close to the north line include Tambo Machay, Huchoy Cuzco, and Urco (at the foot of Pitusiray). According to Urton (1978: 162-164) the north line was established by observing the greatest altitude of rhe sun at rhe time of its maximum northern movement.

Thus it would appear that three of the lines may have been along, or very close to, the cardinal directions, at least once extended at a greater distance from Cuzco (Urton 1978:162-164). The line to rhe south was a different case, however, not being in a cardinal direction but rather having an azimuth of 146º. Zuidema (19826:98) explains this as attributable to the Southern Cross, along with Alpha and Best Centaurus, rising in that direction, which also is indicated by the first ceque of Cuntisuyu, called Anahuarque.
Figure A.3. The dark, broken massif of Pitusiray is on the right with the snowcapped peak of Sahuasiray behind it (Mount Chikon is to the left). View is from near Chinchero.


Figure A.4. The layered summit of Huanacauri is on the left and Anahuarque on the right, as seen with a telephoto view from the main street of Avenida del Sol in Cuzco.
Anahuarque was a mountain that played an important role in Inca cosmology, being the only one to save rhe pre-Inca people in the Cuzco valley when it rose with the waters of a great Hood (Zuidema 19826:97-98). It was worshipped as the ancestress of these people. The peak carne to figure prominently in Inca initiation ceremonies, which were also linked with fertiliry Along with the mountain Huanacauri, considered one of the most sacred places in the Inca Empire (Cieza 1977 [1553]:105; see also Urton 1990) (Figures A.4 and A.5), Anahuarque was a source of water to a valley that ends near the si tes ofWimpillay and Muyuorqo. Wimpillay was occupied by the Wari long befare the Incas (Luis Barreda, personal communication 1988), and, in addition to Inca ceramics, Early Horizon pottery (dating to befare the time of Christ) was faund on Muyuorqo (John Rowe, personal communication 1987). It would seem likely that Anahuarque hadan important role in indigenous beliefs prior to the Incas, who then incorporated it into their own conceptual system, the combination of stars and the mountain only taking place when seen from Cuzco.

The point to be made here is that a dualistic symmetry would have required the line to lead due south, but the location of a sacred mountain associated with a
145

Figure A.5. The author examines ruins on the summit of Huanacauri, considered the second-mostimportant religious site in the Inca Empire
warer/fertiliry cult (there is no significant mountain due south of Cuzco), wirh che added impetus of a link with celestial bodies also associated with fertility, would have been a sound reason for changing che direction of che line. Even then, it is suggestive that important Inca ruins anda rare (for the distance) ritually sculpted rock outcrop lie due south ofCuzco near Pacariqtambo, which eventually became accepted as the place of origin noted in Inca mythology (Urton 1990:29-37) (see Figures 2.4, A.6, and A.7). Zuidema (1988: 161) has hypothesized, therefore, that south may have been rhe cosmological direction of origin for che Incas (and rhe site built there).

There is general agreement that the western line leads due west. Along this line lie sacred mountains and Inca ceremonial sites such as at Media Luna (Quilla Rumí), Sahuite, and Vilcashuaman (Guchte 1990: 190, 228). The first moumain of note is Cerro Tilca, which has Inca ruins on it and has a dominating position above the sacred Apurimac River and the impressive Inca site of Marcahuasi, along with a view toward Salcamay (Angles 1988 (1):1:431, 433–435; see also Heffernan 1996). Continuing on, the equinox line passes near the snowcapped mountain of Ampay. This mountain is believed today to be the dominant deity of theAbancay region (Nuñez del Prado 1969-1970:149). ltwas likely an important
146
FURTHER SITES IN THE REGION
sacred mountain to the Chanka people and for the earlier Wari culture (Anders 1986:784-785, 798), which consrructed an important center at Piquillacta (Piquillakta) near Cuzco (McEwan 1987). Since the mountains would already have been worshipped prior to the Inca expansion into the areas they were located, it follows that the mountains were not made sacred by being on the cardinal directions but rather that the directions and mountains combined to add to the sacredness with which they were viewed (see Astete 1990).

Ir has been argued thar there were no terms for «north» and «south» in Quechua, the language of the Incas, but there is evidence that this may reflect a lack of knowledge about how the Incas perceived and named directions and a loss of such terms used by the Inca elite following the Spanish conquest (see Proulx 1988:161 with regard to the term for «south»). To be sure, the cardinal directions may not have been of primary importance relative to other factors, but this is not

Figure A.6. The entrance to one of the buildings

at Mauccallakta, which lies due south of Cuzco and is associated by most scholars with Pacariqtambo, a mythical place of origin for the Incas. Bingham believed that Machu Picchu, Pacariqtambo, and Vilcabamba (last capital of the Incas) were one and the same.

147
148

the same as the opinion of sorne scholars that they (or at least north and south directions) were not noticed at ali. The reason for describing the situation with regard to cardinal directions at Inca Cuzco is because it aids in understanding rhe importance sacred mountains would have had when found to be in accordance with thern, especially the high snowcapped (hence water-providing) peaks as seen from a central place, as in the case ofMachu Picchu (Figure A.8).

Figure A.7. A drawing of 1613 shows worship of the mountain Huanacauri, including a symbolic representation of the mythical caves from which the Incas believed their ancestors first emerged at Pacariqtambo (from Guarnan Poma 1980 [1613)). Bingham believed that the building he called the Temple of the Three Windows at Machu Picchu represented these caves.

Figure AS. An aerial view over Machu Picchu and Huayna Picchu.
Reinhard.indb 149

111a
This photo places Machu Picchu (bottom center) in the context of its mountainous surroundings. The site is located above the Urubamba River near the lower end of a ridge descending from the 6,271 m (20.57 4ft) summit of Salcantay (upper right. on the back cover). The photo was taken from a pass to the northeast of Machu Picchu. Photo by Octavio Fernandez.
15CJ

152
Endnotes

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ENDNOTES
where a majar ecological cransition cakes place and agriculcure can begin. In a seeming parallel to Machu Picchu and che Vileanota River to che norch, che imporcanc cencer of Choquequirao was builc on a ridge overlooking che Apurimac gorge where ic is ac ics mosc narrow. This is also in che area of cransicion from che highlands to che lowlands, and che sice has striking views to che sacred mouncains of che Vilcabamba.

This hypothesís is supporced by Bingham’s discovery of a unique cache of more chan 30 water-worn obsídian pebbles near che Cateway. These had to have been brought to Machu Picchu from a great distance, as there had been no recenc volcanic activity in che area. They were recencly idencified as having an origin in che Chivay obsidian source located in che Colea Valley, more chan 200 km distant (Burger 2004: 104-105). Burger (2004: 104) concluded cha e «ir is possible chat che obsidian pebbles !efe at Machu Picchu drew cheir mulcivalenc symbolic force from cheir natural associations in che Colea Valley wich high mouncain peaks, che power of che underworld as manifesced by active volcanoes, and che rushing water of che powerful river that shaped chis group of un usual translucenc stones.» Incerestingly, Inca ritual offerings have been found on che summits of peaks bordering che Colea Valley (Reinhard 2005). These include che discovery of human sacrifices, called capacochas, and are considered che most important of ali offerings. To date, however, there have been no finds ofhuman sacrifices having taken place at Machu Picchu or any of its ouclying si tes.